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Peter Abelard is a far more complicated human being than any artwork could deal. This is a man who was blessed with talent that's so distinctive, born with the charisma that's so appealing, and yet, tormented by the tragedy that's most appalling. The letters included reveal the connections of Abelard and Heloise years after both of them took vow to monastery life. You'd feel that the tragic consequence of their love relationship had created a different Abelard, from whom the words were more focused on his devotion to God and his advice to Heloise on the same subject, also his keenness on the his study, and his somewhat apathy towards their previous relationship, for which it could be easily mistaken as selfishness or indifference. But it'd be very unfair to blame Abelard for negligence. If we are able to see that this is a man who had suffered unimaginable infliction and unbearable humiliation, for which he himself believed to be the punishment for his sin, it becomes all so understandable of his words of remorse and his dedication. I believe that after the tragedy, he tried to hide his pain and forget the past in order to re-live his life. After all, he had paid the highest price for his love to Heloise. However, despite all these, his deep love and emotions towards Heloise could not be concealed but be felt between the lines written to her and from the Historia calamitatum: The Story of His Misfortunes, written by Abelard to a friend. Although their love that once reached its peak was forced to come to an end so suddenly, later on through letters it had been restored in an unusual spiritual way and on a new level of depth.
Heloise, an equally extraordinary human being as Abelard, on the other hand, was simpler and more straightforward, and yet, with a mind that's almost as acute and a heart that's braver and more passionate. When disaster struck upon these two lovers, she took the veil and entered the abbey in obedience to his wishes, only for her love to Abelard. Her sentimentality could be fully felt from her emotional outpouring of tears, grieves, and longings in the letters. The walls of Abbey never stopped her from loving Abelard, to whom the love she confessed and never denied to be beyond her love to God. Her perspective about true love is most incisive. Her talking about sensuality of flesh is very frank. When responding to Abelard on the subject of virtue and chastity, her strong arguments and copious quotations from various resources are simply brilliant. This is a woman, who had an exceptional beauty both inside and outside as well as the most admiring courage, that can't be judged conventionally.
The text translation is eloquent, literary, and beautiful. These letters, once were written many centuries ago and once were the only connection between two passionate hearts, are still compelling to read nowadays. In their own words, they told the story, in which they were teacher and student; friend and lover; husband and wife; brother and sister; and ultimately, two inseparable souls.
The story of Abelard and Heloise is "star-crossed lovers" yarn akin to something out of Shakespeare. This is the story of Peter Abelard, an outstanding scholar from twelfth century France, and Heloise, a beautiful young girl with a reputation for brilliance. Abelard is impressed with her, and manages to talk her uncle into making her his pupil. They fall in love, and eventually are secretly married and have a child. However, Heloise's uncle becomes suspicious of Abelard's motives and has him castrated. Abelard seeks refuge in the monastic life, and insists that Heloise follow his example. In the midst of their hardships, they keep in touch through the letters contained in this book. The letters are beautifully written and really manage to bring the story to life.
And I would just like to add that I don't agree with the reviewers who criticized Abelard. Abelard was a fine man, and there are no real grounds for anyone to suspect him of deceit. Sure, he was reluctant to renew his relationship with Heloise, but that is completely understandable. He had been mutilated, for crying out loud--the guy was humiliated. If he didn't love her, why wouldn't he say so outright? He had nothing to gain from lying. Cut the poor man a break! He was persecuted viciously enough during his lifetime. Do you people really have to keep pecking at him a thousand years after his death? Stop trying to turn a classic love story into an episode of Jerry Springer, okay? Potential readers, please don't let a few overly suspicious critics fool you--the book's demmed good. Buy it now!
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As a successful, professional lawyer, as a member of a respected family, patron of a vast network of clients, as an accomplished writer, a more or less efficient administrator and prosperous land owner, Pliny embodies the quintessence of the political and cultural elite in the imperial capital. His carefully groomed letters reveal a fascinating picture of the mature Empire. What emerges from this book is a panoramic picture of a world that is not even very different from our own. Admittedly, the summit of the societal pyramid in 2nd century Rome was populated by a much smaller and more select group of people compared to the upper middle class in the advanced economies of today. But apart from the numbers, the life style of these two groups seems to have a lot of things in common. Take geographical mobility as an example. Pliny was originally descendant from the Como area in Northern Italy. Obviously, most of his time was spent in the capital, where he had a villa at the shores of the Thyrannean Sea. Additionally, he had an estate in what is now Tuscany. Finally there was his wife's estate in Campania, which is pretty far down the heel of the Italian peninsula. Much the same as today's professional elite, and undettered by vastly more primitive means of transportation and communication, Pliny shuttles back and forth between his estates, hundreds of kilometers apart. I take this as anecdotal evidence of the fact that, irrespective of historical epoch, elites have always transcended geographical distance in exercising their professional and social obligations. And many other aspects of Pliny's professional and social life remind us of our life world today. In sum, I find the texture and 'feel' of this collection of letters decidedly modern.
Another aspect that filters through Pliny's correspondence is the fact that Rome could be a very dangerous place to live, at least for those in the spotlights of the political scene. The Empire can, perhaps, be best described as a 'quasi-totalitarian' state. A bit like the China of today, or worse. We now from Suetonius' account how damaging and dangerous the paranoia of individuals such as Domitian could be for whoever opposed them. Pliny confirms this through many of his more or less oblique references to Domitian's despotic reign of terror.
The final bundle of letters contains the correspondence with the emperor Trajan, whom Pliny obviously reveres. The insights into the workings of Rome's administrative machinery to govern such a vast empire, are fascinating. Ultimately, one is astonished by the patience and competence that this particular emperor brings to bear to the many and sometimes trivial issues that his man in the East requests his advice on. One would think that Trajan would have better things to do. This testifies of the impressive efficiency and robustness of Rome's governance apparatus.
This collection of letters is thoroughly recommended to anyone interested in studying the predicament of our own time through the distorting but fascinating mirror of the past.
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And that is what we have here - all the inconsistencies, as, for example, mentioned in pages xiv-xv of the introduction again, that Erasmus wrote with the learned sophistry he denied schoolmen, philosophers, courtiers, theologians and monks. It's almost like Lao-Tzu and his Tao-Te Ching which includes the famous "The name that can be named is not the eternal name; the Tao that can be named is not the eternal Tao," only to have a later poet, Po Chi-Yi, quip about the 10,000 word effort to say what cannot be said in the first place. Yes, he did say at the end that 'I hate an audience that won't forget,' but that's not a courtesy he proffered to his opponents, of whom the criticism by Erasmus seems caviling, carping and nitpicking. He should have emulated his inpiration, Lucian with his 'philosophers for sale,' and made points simple like that here. It would be unfair, though tempting, to think that Erasmus took Quitillian to heart (pg. 81, 'what can't be refuted can often be parried in laughter') and disguised his voice in silly chaos for what has not been thought out cogently.
So, one is not quite sure whether wasting away a life in idleness, corruption or avarice as priests, bishops and monks are wont to do is the same kind of folly as the folly that comes from the innocence of the simple minded people or children, since Erasmus never quite made it crystal clear. Do we praise folly here but condemn it otherwise - without unity of tone and consistency of the vantage point of the writer, the whole thing just becomes a mess of confusion.
What Erasmus wanted to say does deserve our attention, but one wishes that he could have done it in a more fluid style and without all that pretentious classical references, for unlike Lucian, he lived not in that period. And certainly it could be better organized into chapters and sections, and used some editing to eliminate the endless repetitions, ensure consistency and unity of tone. Casson's 'Selected Satires of Lucian' is a much better read and is highly recommended over this one.
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