Since 1965 the United States has been in the midst of a most profound demographic transformation. The non-European immigrant population has increased dramatically and by 1997 approximately 55 million people (20.5 percent) of the total U.S. population were foreign-born. These newcomers are concentrated in California, Florida, Texas, and New York/New Jersey. To study these important demographic and social changes to the foundation of the American landscape, Alejandro Portes and Ruben Rumbaut began in 1990 to follow 5, 262 students enrolled in the eighth and ninth grades in Southern California and Southern Florida. Students were eligible to enter the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS) if they were U.S. born but had at least one foreign-born parent (second generation) or if they themselves were foreign-born and had come to the U.S. at an early age (before age 12) (1.5 generation). Five years later in 1995-1996 a second survey of the same group of children was conducted-- this time supplemented by separate-in-depth interviews with a large sample of their parents. The purpose of this follow-up effort, which succeeded in re-interviewing 82 percent of the baseline sample, was to ascertain changes over time in their family situation, school achievement, educational and occupational aspirations, language use and preferences, ethnic identities, experiences and expectations of discrimination, and psycho-social adjustment.
The outcome of this research was two volumes-- one entitled: Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation (2001). This volume focused on the patterns of acculturation, family and school life, language, identity, experiences of discrimination, self-esteem, ambition and achievement. The weakness of this work is that it does not probe very deeply into the importance of ethnicity and how it influences adaptation patterns and trajectories of the children of immigrants. The second volume entitled Ethnicities: Children of Immigrants in America (2001) presents seven individually authored case studies in an attempt to provide a closer look at the adaptation patterns and trajectories of youth from: Cuba, Nicaragua, Vietnam, Haiti, Mexico, Jamaica and other West Indian origins. To undertake this analysis, Rumbaut and Portes brought together a group of scholars who specialize in each of the major immigrant nationalities, made available to them the CILS data set, and invited them to combine their expertise to explain what each group was experiencing
The researchers came to a number of similar conclusions. The first was that second and 1.5 generation acculturation is being aggravated by troubles associated with coming of age in an era far more materialistic and individualistic than those encountered by immigrant children in years gone by. Today's youth often find themselves straddling different worlds and receiving conflicting signals. At home, they hear that they must work hard and do well in school to move up; on the street they learn a different lesson, that of rebellion against authority and rejection of the goals of achievement.
Unlike their European origin predecessors the present second and 1.5 generation is undergoing a process of segmented assimilation in which outcomes vary across immigrant populations and in which rapid integration and acceptance into the American mainstream represent just one possible alternative. A number of factors are decisive in determining this segmented assimilation. They include: (1) the history of the immigrant first generation, including the human capital brought by immigrant parents and the context of their reception; (2) the differential pace of acculturation among parents and children, including the development of language gaps between them; (3) the cultural and economic barriers confronted by second-generation youth in their quest for successful adaptation; and (4) the family and community resources avaliable for confronting these barriers.
Each chapter in Ethnicities: Children of Immigrants in America illustrates how varied the process of assimilation has become. In some instances, such as the Filipinos, a high human capital among immigrant parents combined with a relatively neutral or favorable context of reception produced a rapid mobility into the middle class. In other cases, socio-economic success depends less on advanced educational credentials in the first generation than on the possession of entrepreneurial skills and a favorable context of reception. The diverse Cuban enclave in Miami illustrates this type of assimilation as do the Vietnamese refugees whose positive reception by the U.S. government provided the grounds for reconstruction of families and communities.
In other cases, such as Mexicans, limited professional or entrepreneurial skills among the first generation, an unfavorable government reception, and a hostile societal reception means that their children seldom have the opportunity to assimilate into middle-class American circles but rather have every opportunity to sink into the native poor and underclass. Nicaraguans also face the possibility of downward assimilation because they have met with an unwelcome official reception and severe handicaps in the local labor market. The downward assimilation pattern is also evident among Haitian immigrants in Southern Florida. Hostile governmental reception, a low average human capital among the first generation, and a widespread social and labor market discrimination have produced what is arguably the most impoverished immigrant community in the region. Jamaican and other West Indian immigrants are subject to similar external discrimination, however in their case an unfavorable context of reception is partially balanced by the educational and occupational credentials of many parents, and their fluent (and distinctly accented) English.
Overall, the studies in this book provide an excellent overview of the situation faced by non-European second and 1.5 generation migrants. Rumbaut and Portes have once again established themselves as the leading research team on migration issues in the United States. A reliable source of longitudinal data accounts for the importance and richness of these studies. In addition, as members of the community they studied, many of the authors were able to offer more information or speculation as to the reasons behind the successes or failures of each particular group. In the past, immigrants (or more likely their children) first became ethnics and later plain Americans, today the journey is bumpy for non-white ethnic groups. There is no longer just one America that newcomers enter nor only one American identity that they may adopt. Ethnicities: Children of Immigrants in America highlights these realities and is highly recommend as a primary source to students doing upper level Sociology of Migration or Ethnic Studies courses. Individuals using this book will find helpful tools for understanding how the new non-European second and 1.5 generation immigrants build, remodel, and adapt to their lives in the United States.

Immigrant America cites the Immigration Act of 1965 and world politics and economy as reasons for the second wave of immigrants in the twentieth century. The Act encouraged existing immigrants to bring members of their immediate families into the United States outside of government created quotas. Immigrants with "special skills" such as physicians, and professional engineers were given preference. In addition, certain refugees were given some preference. The majority of Immigrants after 1965 came from Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean Islands. There was immigration from European countries but in less numbers than in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Immigrants from Asia included refugees from Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and opportunity seekers from South Korea and China. Latin American and Caribbean immigrants came for similar reasons.

Assimilation and Acculturation

Portes and Rumbaut frame their discourse around the ability of different ethnic groups to become accepted into American society. Assimilation is the process of responding to new situations in conformity with what already exists in a culture. Acculturation is the cultural modification of people by adapting to or borrowing traits from another culture. It is also defined as a merging of cultures as a result of prolonged contact. The factors that influence assimilation and acculturation for new Americans include: the policy of the receiving government, conditions of the new country's labor market, and individual characteristics of the immigrant. The ability to use English was found to be of paramount importance in the assimilation process. Unlike other countries that are tolerant and accustomed to multilingual populations, the larger American community insists on the use of the native language of English by immigrants as a requirement for acceptance. In return the United States appears more tolerant of the practice of diverse cultural customs and religions than other counties. Therefore it is imperative that immigrants learn English, preferable unaccented English, for acceptance into the larger community. The authors point out that the assimilation process is hampered by the tendency of new immigrants to live in ethnic conclaves. This tendency is easily understood for the support value of living in a community where people share common language, customs, and history. The ability to transcend the ethnic conclave to mainstream American society is difficult for first generation immigrants. The assimilation and acculturation process is easier for subsequent generations, the rate of which is dependent on language and education. Immigrants who are fluent bilinguals have greater self-esteem and can assimilate more quickly than those who rely on their old language or have an ineffective use of English. Race continues to be a barrier to assimilation since the majority of Americans are of white European ancestry. Again, the mastery of unaccented proper English can ameliorate the discriminating effects of race. The higher than normal, two to three times, suicide rates among immigrants is remarkable and is purportedly related to the level of satisfaction of immigrants in their new situation. The highly educated and skilled immigrants who are unable to work at their chosen profession in the new county are most vulnerable as well as those immigrants who feel isolated from their families left in the old country. The inability to speak English well in the United States further intensifies this sense of isolation and leads to despair. The geographical location of immigrants impacts their rate of assimilation. Immigrants located in urban and rural areas may become acculturated into groups that are outside the main stream. Second generation immigrants attending school with marginalized social groups may adopt habits and values that run counter to the larger society. The generation gap between first and second generation immigrants is so wide that parents are dependent upon their children for clues on how to perform routine activities outside the home such as making purchases and obtaining services. Portes and Rumbaunt classified immigrants into three categories: those who live in ethnic conclaves with limited exposure to the larger society; ethnic middlemen who interface with the larger society as merchants; and sophisticates who by education, occupation, or command of unaccented English have successfully assimilated into mainstream American society.

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Immigrant America makes use of research and statistics performed by the authors themselves, and others. Immigration data from the US Government is frequently analyzed and presented in tabular form and well explained. This work reads easily for non-academics who enjoy a technical and well research look at immigration without getting bogged down in theories and proofs. It would serve well as a supplemental reading for academic course work in American history, sociology, urban affairs, and family studies.