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There are many photographs, drawings, charts and maps, and I appreciated that the scales were similar so that a reader can compare various maps easily.
Articles are well-written and graphics are clean and well-designed. I would call this more an historical almanac of NYC, but whatever you call it, it is a fun and interesting read.
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While many of Sheridan's flaws and errors have been recognized both by his contemporaries and by historians, it is of some value to lay them out in a single book as a corrective to his largely untarnished image among casual Civil War buffs.
This could have been accomplished, however, without exaggerating Sheridan's shortcomings. Wittenberg, for example, tends to credit Sheridan's every detractor, no matter how biased they themselves might have been. At one point, he even quotes Southern newspaper reports from late in the war, which clearly smack of propaganda meant to reassure their readers that the CSA was in no danger of falling, to support his argument that one of Sheridan's cavalry raids was a failure. Likewise, he quotes Confederate leaders' postwar comments to the effect to the effect that they were unimpressed by Sheridan, without questioning whether their judgments were honestly made, or whether they were colored by resentment over the ultimate outcome of their encounters with Little Phil and his men.
Every success is chalked up to Sheridan's subordinates or colleagues, while every failure is laid at his feet, until one is left wondering how such an incompetent general could have inspired the unwavering confidence of both his commanding officer, Grant, and of his troops. A chapter near the end that recognizes Sheridan's achievements during the final campaign against Lee is so inconsistent with the rest of the book that it seems jarring to find it in the same volume.
As stated, though, Sheridan was far from perfect, and this book is not without some value for reminding us of his flaws. I can recommend it, however, only for readers with a solid background in Sheridan's Civil War career, who will be able to assess Wittenberg's arguments with a properly critical eye, much the same way that a judge would read an attorney's brief.
It is about time that a skillful researcher has balanced "accepted" history concerning this man with arguments of such a critical nature. Perhaps the true history lies somewhere in between - but one fact remains, and that is that Mr. Wittenberg is truly the first modern writer to take on the teflon persona of a man who, inarguably, crafted his own career out of the dust left from ruining others'. Several fine
American Civil War officers went to their deathbeds under the crushing defeats by Sheridan - not on the battlefield where they belonged - but within interpersonal relationships. Sheridan destroyed careers for no reason other than his own desire to capture the glory won by others. It is high time that he be taken to task for his shortcomings and ineptitude.
Sheridan certainly had a great deal of assistance, as well. He didn't have the power to accomplish his aims alone, and Wittenberg deftly exposes this as well. For anyone who is unchallenged by today's "coffee-table" type works that espouse the traditional legends surrounding those who made such an impact on the history of this country, and desire instead to be forced to both re-think and reevaluate those notions, this work will be a treasure to them. Wittenberg's book is no less than an in-your-face attorney's arguments against these notions. As with any lawyer worth his salt, all he or she asks is that you have been impressed enough by the presentation of evidence to intelligently form your own opinion. And ask yourself if what you've believed all along is your own opinion or that of another. In causing the reader to think that deeply, Mr. Wittenberg has accomplished his aims in the way they are known to be honorable - with the credit due to none other than himself.
Read this book. It will train you to ask the deeper questions and explore for yourself how history should remember those who shape it.
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The journey begins in the early part of this century; in Alabama, and focuses us in the tiny town of Athens; not a bad place to grow-up, unless you're Black. Lincoln's writing illuminates the ugly prejudice behavior of whites towards (and, as Lincoln notes, the prejudice of Blacks towards "white trash") Blacks that was predominated the South during the first half of this century. He reports his sobering findings that America was and still is split into two societies:white and Black, separate and unequal. After driving this point home, Eric takes you through the changes, notes improvements, but proclaims that America remains caught in racism and class conflict.
In an unusual twist regarding blacks and Jews, C. Eric Lincoln does a admirable job showing a symbiotic relationship between the two maligned groups. To Eric the Jews were distant cousins in the fight against racism; cousins with deep financial pockets, legal expertise and limited participation that undergirded the Civil Rights Crusades. He sees the relationship as two minorities trying to gain parity in an intolerant closed-minded society.
Lincoln's call for blacks to reaffirm, (or even regain), their identity as Africans displaced in America strikes me as a rewarming of Malcom X's ideology. Though Lincoln stays short of Malcom X's call for a return to Africa, I feel that Lincoln has failed to realize that blacks in America are American and a vital part of it pluralism.
C. Eric Lincoln ends his text in a diatribe of statements, that he fails to back up with either facts or incidences of the massive injustice he reports. For example, he states that the "national focus is on the wanton elimination of the African America Male from meaningful participation in the common ventures of American Life".
The national focus? Lincoln goes on a tirade against the incarceration of "black men" at a "unconscionable rate" as if they have not broken laws, caused injury or done the crime. He makes no comment on the victims of the lawless; black or white; he just waves the flag of injustice and racism. The destructiveness of self-interest that he writes about is also found in the arena of black-interest.
Lincoln insists that America remembers that the African minority have had their lives disrupted, their national integrity as African impugned, their culture degraded, their politics corrupted and their freedoms commandeered, taken away or sold off by the white establishment. He goes on to say that too little is being asked, said or done to allay the journey from the "harsh, inflexible conventions" of the past. He states that America, especially white America, is "still in the business of niger making." He then closes with a "No-Fault Reconciliation", whereby we must get on with the task of building the dream, the dream that makes us all American. We must prepare for a new world, a new society that allows us to trust and support each other. We are all in need of God and each other. Lincoln reaches the end of his manuscript and says, "Hey, I am a Professor at Duke University and I've got to end this book on a hopeful text, not the ranting, radical diatribe that I started with, so he comes up with his "no-fault reconciliation".
Lincoln has done extremely well pointing out both the history and problems of racism in America. His insight into the difficulties then and now for a Black person to cross "the color line" is extremely useful.
However, he fails to come up with any solutions to how we can work collectively to bring change into our system and culture. He lacks answers for the pressing problems.
To say the answer is no-fault reconciliation leaves me flat. I also found him critical and short changing the black and white church. For Lincoln religion, (IE Christianity for the most part), was more of the problem that the solution. He felt that the Black church and Black preacher kept the system in place and tended to support the oppression (pg67). I wondered where he would have put the Black minister in his triad of "Good, Bad, and Smart Nigers".
I felt that the few paragraphs that he gave to Christianity were inadequate, considering the role that the Black and White church played in abolishing slavery and in the civil rights movement.
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