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enjoy at a distance.
As can be easily seen in raves, as well in many contemporary artistic practices, art and politics are no longer separate (as if designating heterogenous fields of operations), but are joined in collective articulations, flexible and ephemeral, forming around common sensations.
Such a convergence of the artistic (understood to mean both art and technology) and the political does not neccesarily mean that we have moved toward an aetheticizing of the political (the community as a work of art) or a politicizing of art (a social or critical art).
This indicates perhaps that it still remains for us to concieve an art that is no longer merely a representation of the Ideal, to concieve of technology whose ends are not merely economic imperatives, and a political space not grounded in only one Truth.
This constitutes a program that rests on the possibility of inventing, singularly and collectively, an existence that no longer diverts from its own finality, and from its free deployment within the horizons of worldliness, cross-bred and deterritorialized, offered to us at present. With all due respect to the defenders of the purity of the Ideal, this may well be, for our time and those of us who share it, both our task and our fate.
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Hegel of course was (and still is) considered quite obscure by many, but taken to be philosophically formidable and rigorous. The French philosopher that initiated contemporary interest of Hegel in France, Kojeve, managed to put together a few positive concepts on Hegel's philosophy of negativity. Nancy does not. He is content to remain, despite his own best deconstructive efforts, in the world of Nietzsche's last man--endlessly searching in vain for an answer to the demise of the Enlightenment and taking the search itself to now be the best option available. Such nihilistic gamesmanship is appealing to disaffected lefties because they, like Nancy, will not move beyond the liberal naivetes no longer tenable in a post-Nietzschean world. They wish to promote a Kantian style ethical practice by invoking an unstated catergorical imperative of unconditional equality and toleration. The fact that there is no ground or reason for their political project is taken to be somehow supportive of "radical" equality; their hope being that by supporting epistemic skepticism they can institute a paralysis of the bildung that make the hierarchies of social systems possible. Of course what they have actually done is given themselves a way to advance an extreme version of the Enlightenment project of political emancipation while rhetorically denying the other positive claims of the Enlightenment. Hegel himself did his best to put a good face on the aporias exposed by Kant's reaction to Hume's skepticism but was not, in the end, successful. Herein lies the problem for Nancy and his ilk. They would be better served to strike a more truly Hegelian pose rather than languish in the death throws of a long since faded Enlightenment. Such political tactics are philosophically transparent. If you are looking for an actual philosophic treatment and explanation of Hegel's thought I would suggest Stanley Rosen's book on Hegel.