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Then there's Imelda, worth a volume or twoherself. (More later.)
The reader will recall that Jimmy Carter putthe "human rights" crusade on the map during hisadministration. But when it came to the Philippines, that crusade wastabled. Bonner covers that while Pat Derrian did her best to force theMarcos regime to capitulate, Holbrooke, her superior in the StateDept., would permit no such thing. It seems that Marcos was tooconvenient to the U.S. what with the enormous military bases in thePhilippines, Clark (Air Force) and Subik Bay (Navy). And Bonner goesone step further than many a critic of that era: He challenges theassumption that those bases were necessary, i.e., served any viablemilitary purpose. But they continued, despite all the righteousCarter rhetoric--as did the Marcos regime.
Regan didn't evendecorate himself with things as trite as "human rights"rhetoric. Imelda had flirted with him back in the late 60s while shewas building a cultural center light years beyond the reach of 90percent of Filipinos, so she and Ferdinand were home free. Then therewas Jeane Kirkpatrick and her "Our enemies are totalitariandictators, not [merely] authoritarian dictators like ourfriends." And while the Reaganites whined about the evils ofcommunism, Marcos was busy nationalizing everything in the country,such as Philippine Airlines once they'd submitted a bill for Imelda'sromps all over the globe.
And that lead to the witty portions ofthe book that kept one smiling despite the seriousness of the subjectmatter. The jester was, of course, Imelda. A couple of examples thatcome to mind are a one-day shopping spree in New York in which humbleImelda spent $2,181,000 on jewelry and furniture, and the Marcos 25thwedding anniversary in which Imelda stood humbly at the altar wearinga meek veil and carrying a rosary all the beads of which werediamonds. This while three out of five Filipino children werestarving.
And Reagan stuck with Marcos until after the Marinehelicopter carried him from his palace.
Bonner concludes that ourforeign policy toward Marcos was myopic. When Marcos declared martiallaw in '72, the communist party and the New People Army (NPA)in thePhilippines were small time, about as proportionally significant asthey are in most countries. But the repression, the elections thatwere transparent jokes, the murdered opposition leaders--especiallyNinoy Aquino whose widow eventually succeeded Marcos--the conspicuousconsumption, the "crony capitalism" from which Marcos'sbuddies made billions, much of it off the U.S. taxpayer, and theU.S. failure to even confront let alone condemn it, fueled thoseorganizations until they became a potential threat that they'd neverbeen had there been even a semblance of reform taking place.
I planto encourage the publisher to reprint this volume. It's a fineguidebook for where U.S. policy goes compared to where the rhetoricleads us; and it's a guide to the depth, or lack thereof, of ourdedication to "human rights." All present and futurediplomats need to read this.
Only when we abide by history coveredin this book can we transcent the hypocrisy for which the U.S. hasbecome infamous in the Philippines and elsewhere.
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You can tell that the author is an investigative journalist because of the straightforward, detailed account he gives. This book comes at you almost like the author had an ax to grind. I would have liked a bit more on the end - what happened after they left? Overall the book was enjoyable and worth the effort.
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I have visited the Philippines at least six times in my life. I have seen, witnessed, and can testify to the unequal society which is very poor, very impoverish, very disillusional. Marcos did not only control and exploit the Philippines but he did so with the Filipinos approval, consciously or subconsciously. Mr. Patterson discusses at lenghth Marcos and does discuss the Philippines, especially for someone with at least twenty years of experience with the Filipino culture.
It is virtually hard, if not outright impossible to not think in terms of Marcos and expoitation, Marcos and martial law, Marcos and his fabricated war hero lie, Marcos and all the money. Yes, I firmly believe he did a lot of injustice to the Philippines. But the Filipinos did not opppose, protest, or attempt to stop Marcos until the twenty one year hour. Therefore, a pressing question is why did Filipinos wait, wait, and wait so patiently? Because they believed in him just as many still believe in him posthumously
.
I agree with Mr. Patterson ending piece. Marcos did not do this alone. Yes, his wife was involved; yes, his crony circle of elite friends were involved; yes, our tax dollars were involved in this; and yes, the people remained sedated with television hoopla, the electronic drug, and all the show biz illusions of what is reality or what they socially constructed to be their reality.
Yes, I have compassion for the Philippines. For the people who want to raise their human dignity. And there are many, I am sure, who believe in self respect and honor. But there is a growing "Americanistas," who refuse to revist history, politics, colonialism theory, and how much this has impacted and perhaps hindered their own personal and country's development.
The Philippines is a country were the rate of poverty is rampant. It is also the place that people are still dreaming "America," instead of the Philippines. How can they develop their own ideas and their country? This is a puzzling question.
Most of all, the people have had to succumb to not only Marcoses, Aquinos, and others, like Joseph Estrada who continue to ride the backs of the poor. When will enough be enough?
For any country to develop it must grow in ideas. In the Philippines many ideas are borrowed from America. America no longer has a major interest in the Philippines, at least not for now. What will keep the ship afloat?