Levine has gathered a great group of political theorists, and presented them with an intriguing question: where does the notion of toleration come from in modern political thought? Their answers are well worth reading.

Macchiaveli shows in this book a great deal of his capacity to use history as an instrument of analysis of the politics. I would recommend the book, although I would also recommend to have read a couple of other Macchiaveli's works in advance in order to better understand his particular -and clever- way to analyze history. The Prince would be, in my opinion, the least of his workd that should be read in advance.

The return of this book to print is a great boon to anyone interested in Machiavelli, or who has ever struggled through the Discourses wondering just what Old Nick is getting at.

Originally published more than 20 years ago, "New Modes and Orders" remains the only full length commentary on the Discourses ever published in English. As such, it is indespensible, for the Discourses is at once Machiavelli's most difficult and most important book. Those of us who until now have had to rest content with rumaging through library copies dreading the due date will gladly shell out...to have a copy on our own shelves.

"New Modes" has often been critized for its reserve bordering on circumspection. There is justice in this criticism. This book is not an easy read, and it does not "explain" the difficulties of the Discourses in a way that readers who are not willing to work will find helpful.

But despite his overall reserve, Mansfield is surprisingly candid on a few points of extreme importance. My own impression is that his method is to state baldly a handful of broad but essential points, and then elusivley wade through a host of details the understanding of which allows us to fill in the gaps between the broad points.

One example will suffice. You don't need to be well versed in military affairs to realize that practically none of Machiavelli's arguments in Book II of the Discourses makes any sense. Mansfield helps us resolve this difficulty, right at the outset of his treatment of that Book, by plainly stating that Book II is an argument not about physical warfare but about spiritual warfare. It is in fact a long, sustained metaphor in which certain topics and terms serve as stand-ins for Machiavelli's real subjects. Then, having drawn the curtain completely open, just for a second, Mansfield lets it close, and proceeds to his line-by-line discussion of Book II--but only after he has let us know what is really going on, thereby giving us the tools to understand for ourselves what will be discussed in this all-important section.

I wish also to note that Mansfield is a masterful writer, and that few books--and almost no scholarly books--can claim to be this well done. He is also a very funny man. Machiavelli is lucky to have found a commentator who not only appreciates his sublte jokes but contributes some delightful jokes of his own that are worthy of the master.

In sum: this book will frustrate you. It will make you sweat and curse and fume. But it rewards the patient.

Mansfield deals with a wide array of conceptions of executive power in this very complex yet brilliantly comprehensive examination. If you want to know why the American executive faces its current problems of ambivalence and demagoguery, read "Taming the Prince" to find the difficult theoretical answers

This is actually a presentation on de Tocqueville's life and times, centered on a general analysis of Democracy in America, but including much background on his family's history, his political career and accomplishments and a look at the historical context of France, Europe and the US in the mid 19th Century. The themes of DiA are reviewed with many quotes from the book and from commentaries by de Tocqueville's contemporaries. He is presented in all his glory: his hits (the brilliant insights into social character, the nature of democracy and his devastatingly astute, timeless analysis of our American identity) and his misses (his advocacy of war and his surprisingly traditionalist views of society's class structure). An occasional cheesy French accent in some of the characterizations is the only flaw. This is a _great_ commute tape, I look forward to "reading" more in this series on other great writers!

Democracy in America by Alexis De Tocqueville is by far an in depth view of America as seen by the traveling Frenchman. It is written so well that even today almost one hundred and fifty years later it is still apropos.

The translation flows very easily and is not distracting. De Tocqueville has a wonderful writing style that could pass today even though it was written long ago... so well readable and quotable that you get the picture of American life, morals, and an astute view of politics all rolled into one.

You get a view and meaning of American civilization, for America herself, and also for Europe. You can tell from reading. that this view is ever-present in De Tocqueville's mind as if he is a comparative sociologist. Yet reading this book you get the impression that De Tocqueville had generations of readers in mind.

As De Tocqueville noted, "It is not force alone, but rather good laws, which make a new govenment secure. After the battle comes the lawgiver. The one destroys; the other builds up. Each has its function." So true even for todays war. After you defeat your enemy you have to build up the infratructure just as Marshall and Truman both realized.

Reading this book you see the skillful eye of the author noticing and recording what he sees and he is impressed. I found this book to be of great import for the observations of America and hope that our educators use this book for teaching our children about the great country we live in.

De Tocqueville is every bit as brilliant and insightful as he has been said to be. The book is as relevant now as when written and is a must read for every american who is serious about understanding his country. What one realizes in reading the book is how novel and radical was the american experiment in creating a state that was both a republic and a democracy. De Toqueville's research was amazing, as well, he read the laws and constitutions of the various states, he didn't just observe the manifestation of american government and society. His assessments of the plusses and minuses of our government forms was incredibly astute and it is interesting to reflect on the changes that took place in the government after his time and how accurately he foresaw the advantages and disadvantages of those changes, as well. Given the short period of time that he spent in this country and the distances that he travelled one stands in awe of his work. His writing style is, of course, dated but one gets accustomed to it and learns to follow the rhythm.

Required reading at many Universities and Business Schools, The Prince is a classic. People the world over continue to show an enduring fascination for Machiavelli, some five hundred years after his death. Equally applicable to political science and business alike, this book is highly recommended for all readers.

Machiavelli's principles, conveyed through The Prince, are timeless; they address a side of human nature not often stated explicitly. By no means 'politically correct,' these principles touch the base emotions and desires of politics and everyday life. While greedy and evil as judged by many of today's cultural norms, the eloquent logic and sound arguments contained within The Prince are captivating. The fascination with Machiavelli is likely to endure for centuries to come.

In today's increasingly competitive and global economic climate, the CEOs of large corporations in many ways face the situation found in Italy in the 16th century. As the fervent wave of large mergers and acquisitions continues, Machiavelli's principles become that much more applicable. A "Prince" or the manager of a new company may also find the advice contained within The Prince very useful, however 'politically incorrect' this advice may be in today's world.

Politicians usually read this text in the first political science class which they take. Actually, understanding Politics without understanding the principles in this text is an impossibility. A person who does not understand the principles of this text is too naive to understand why their leaders do what they do. Politics occurs in business, family life, and other settings, as well as government; Machiavelli's rules may be applied in all of these. Though living by these rules isn't necessary, a successful politician must act with mindfulness of their implications, or face failure. Considering the far reaching implications of Machiavelli's thought, one might wonder why elementary school children do not study "the Prince."

Many people don't have the guts to face what Machiavelli says. He presents the rules of 'hardball' politics; the only time that he mentions morality is when he describes the occasions in which a leader may need to fake it. Politicians have become so adept in following these rules that those whom they lead will often take offense at the suggestion that their leaders live by them. Read this book and understand the daily news.

"The Prince" is the quintessential text of Political Science. The Dover edition, though small, does not lack any of the origional text. It does lack the clutter of scholarly commentaries. It belongs on the shelf of anyone interested in the politics which impacts their life, but it will merely irritate the gullible

After being described as Machiavellian by some of the fellow members of my youth government group, I decided to find out what they meant. I soon discovered that to be Machiavellian, is to be " a person having ruthless ambition, craftiness, and merciless political tactics." I took this comparison as a compliment and learned more Niccolo Machiavelli by reading one of his books, The Prince. The Prince begins with an in-depth historical introduction by Christian Gauss discussing the history of Italy. This background is essential so that readers have a basic understanding of where Machiavelli was coming from with his ideas. Machiavelli, a son of a Florentine lawyer, lived back in the 16th Century. He was a humanist and grew up reading the works of the Romans and the Greeks. It was because of his studies that he was able to analyze history and formulate his own theories on ruling a nation. Following this introduction, Machiavelli essentially provides the first ever "idiots guide to ruling a country" in 26 chapters. Within these chapters he answers questions such as whether it is better to be hated by the people or loved by the aristocracy, whether one should raise armies within a nation or hirer mercenaries, and what happens when you rule as a villain. Machiavelli's philosophy on every aspect of ruling a nation is discussed within this novel. The best part of this novel is how straightforward Machiavelli was in his writing. He cuts the fluff, and is blunt with his points. He is also very original in his thoughts about power. He does not try to conceal the political motives. In one section Machiavelli clearly presents his view on the importance for a prince to have religion:

Whoever reads Roman history attentively will see in how great a degree religion served in the command of the armies, in uniting the people and keeping them well conducted, and in covering the wicked with shame.(Machiavelli, pg. 78)

In this quote, Machiavelli never talks about how spirituality is important in satiating a God. Instead he talks about how a ruler can take advantage of a religion's power to be a massive propaganda machine. This is just the way Machiavelli presents his ideas. His views are often described as ruthless, but I feel they are just honest, accurate reflections of men's motives in politics. When reading the book, the only thing that bothered me was that my knowledge of European history is severely lacking. Frequently within the novel Machiavelli would make references to ancient battles such as the Venetians and France versus the Duke of Milan, or ancient people such as the Spartans, or the Medici. For this reason I would advise taking an AP or College Class in European History. A important insight is lost by a reader without this knowledge in any number of quotes such as this one:

But when one cannot avoid it, as happened in the case of the Florentines when the Pope and Spain went with their armies to attack Lombardy, the prince ought to join for the above reasons.(Machiavelli, pg. 112)

In this quote, I was completely ignorant to the fact that Spain and the Pope ever united, and furthermore that they then attacked a country, Lombardy, one that I had never heard of before. It was just frustrating to read a section and be completely bewildered afterwards, so that is why I suggest having a good knowledge of history before reading this book. By the end of the novel, my mind was racing with Machiavelli's theories on being a great ruler and I was anxious to go out and conquer my own nation. Unfortunately, Machiavelli wrote this a while ago and many of the things he described cannot be implemented today. However, a lot of his basic ideas can still be applied and this serves as an inspiration for me in my quest for power. Even though the days of Princes ruling are dead, anyone from modern day politicians to tech-company owners can appreciate Machiavelli's theories about control of power.

I bought this guide expecting that it would give a brief high-level overview of the main thinkers and ideas in political philosophy. It didn't do that -- it was more of a political philosopher "sampler", rather than an overview which outlines the high points in the intellectual history of the field. The first 10 pages of the ~50 page essay made some good distinctions & definitions, and emphasized that one should read the "great books" of political philosophy (though it doesn't give a list of those books until the appendix). The rest of the essay wasn't as informative, and just touches on some of the ideas of a couple major philosophers (e.g. Machiavelli, Plato, etc.), and tended to be slightly more interpretive than I like to see in an introduction (intro's should be more objective, because a beginner has a hard time distinguishing opinion from fact). Overall, this book only gave me a "feel" for what political philosophy is, without giving a sense of the entire scope of the field, the connections and/or debate between the various schools of thought, or the relative importance of the various thinkers. Granted, it's hard to give a comprehensive overview in 50 pages, but I think the essay could have been structured better. On the plus side, it is a very short essay -- 50 pages, double spaced.

This book is a very short summary of political philosophy. Perhaps it is wrong in assuming that a student would not be able to read about this subject in greater detail. After reading this, though, one will want to know more about political philosophy, why one can be both politically active and philosophical, and why politics is important to students, and not just leftist politics. Also, one wonders which political philosophy the author has, as he seems to comment wryly on both conservatism and liberalism with great acuity. A fine read, if somewhat incomplete.

Harvard University Professor Harvey C. Mansfield, Jr., is well known within the discipline of political theory as one of the great figures of our time. Profoundly influenced by Leo Strauss, he also brings to his work a concern for the institutions of constitutional democracy which was a staple at Harvard during the era of Carl Friedrich. He has made original contributions to the study of Machiavelli and recently completed a translation of, and commentary on, Tocqueville's Democracy in America.

Mansfield's lectures on ancient, medieval, and modern political philosophy are famously dense and provocative, forcing students to confront the deepest problems posed by some of the greatest minds in Western history. In this remarkable guide, Mansfield conveys with subtle precision the contours, the twists and turns, that political philosophy has taken over the centuries, from Plato to Nietzsche.

For any student of political philosophy, this is the place to begin. This slim book can be read at a single sitting, but what Mansfield has to say may keep you thinking for the rest of your life.

Mansfield has written the perfect reference book for upcoming term papers on Machiavelli. His analysis of Machiavelli's writings is insightful and innovative. However, the book is written is a very formal style that makes it difficult to appreciate the interpretation that Mansfield puts forth. This is definitely not a book that one takes to the beach for some casual reading. That is a shame, because Mansfield's conclusions have practical implications for the modern politician or executive. Unfortunately, the dense style makes this book attractive only to academics

Nowhere easy to read, occasionally repetitive, but a masterpiece nonetheless. The second best book ever written about Machiavelli. Mansfield makes a claim so bold as to seem reckless. But the more time one spends checking it out, the truer it appears.

Some ideas and themes that Mansfield elucidates seem to have never been discovered by other scholars, much less elucidated. And no one does a better job of explaining the details of Machiavelli's politics and the actual institutions he recommends.