I don't know of anyone who can make me feel more patriotic than Doris Kearns Goodwin. Her admiration for FDR flows from this speech. If you've read her outstanding 'No Ordinary Time' you've heard most of this before, but hearing her praise FDR in this atmosphere will stir your soul. A great speech about a great man. Oh, to have another President like that. No chance...

In one volume, Robert Dallek has attempted to counter the vast amount of printed material covering Franklin D. Roosevelt's domestic policies during the 1930's and 1940's. The result is a mammoth effort that sheds light on the enormous pressures Roosevelt faced both at home and abroad during the turbulent decades when the world struggled to emerge from the shambles of a Great Depression, and prepare itself for a global conflict. Dallek argues that most historians do not fully understand the nature of Roosevelt's foreign policy. Dallek also claims that researchers tend to focus on FDR's shortcomings without emphasizing the constraints with which he was forced to work. Dallek's main purpose is to highlight the continual dilemmas Roosevelt faced in an effort to always strive for balance and compromise between public opinion and foreign affairs. FDR realized the need to break the country away from isolationism and place it in the global arena, both economically and politically, while at the same time facing the growing threat from the Axis powers. Though Dallek is noted as a gifted narrator, it is Roosevelt's leadership style,criticized as somewhat unorthodox,and the many quandaries in which he prevailed that provides the strength of Dallek's book. Dallek chose a ridged chronological format, which he maintained throughout the book. The chronological methodology in essential to enable the reader to understand the patterns that emerged within Roosevelt's style of leadership. For instance, rather than try to sway public opinion as to why the United States should supply aid to its allies or begin preparing for war, Roosevelt instead would allow the events then taking shape in Europe and Asia to speak for themselves to convince the American public. FDR's early foreign policy (1932-1935) was primarily centered on economic recovery. Roosevelt clearly understood that the Great Depression was a global problem. Roosevelt strove to reduce tariffs, improve trade and stabilize the dollar with foreign currencies. He has been widely criticized for going off the gold standard and blamed for the failure of the London Economic Conference. Dallek states, however, that Roosevelt clearly achieved two very important underlying objectives: First, domestic economic recovery must take priority over foreign affairs This belief was evident in the many Hundred Days policies that FDR implemented. Second, Dallek argues that Roosevelt's main goal was at best to "restore a measure of faith in international cooperation." Roosevelt was always aware of his limitations. Dallek believes that the years 1935-1939 was the most important period in Roosevelt's foreign policy. During this time, Roosevelt faced many obstacles. Dubbed an "Idealist" for his efforts towards disarmament and United States participation in the World Court, FDR was also criticized as being naïve in his reactions to the aggressive actions of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Dallek diligently describes how FDR's hands were tied by the very nature of the Neutrality Acts, pressure from Isolationists, student peace activists, and religious groups, particularly Catholics at home. The events of World War II exposed yet more criticisms upon Roosevelt's handling of foreign affairs. In a new Afterword (1995), Dallek explains some of the legitimate critiques as well as some of the ludicrous claims concerning FDR's handling of the war. Dallek disregards the revisionist view that Roosevelt knew of, or allowed the Japanese to attack Pearl Harbor as an excuse to draw the United States into the war. Some revisionists even propose the existence of a British conspiracy to lure the United States into the war. Dallek points out there are even those that claim British pilots flying planes with Japanese markings took part in the attack on Pearl Harbor. Dallek praises Roosevelt as a visionary, accurately predicting a world view he never lived to see. Dallek disagrees with the "naïveté" Roosevelt exhibited at Yalta, claiming FDR did not sell out Eastern Europe to Stalin. Dallek dismisses this as a myth, claiming Roosevelt clearly understood the price for 20 million Russian killed during World War II would be Eastern Europe. Dallek also defends Roosevelt's decision to back the doomed Chiang Kai-shek regime in China. Dallek believes FDR knew that someday China would be a dominant world power and although he felt that democracy in both China and the Soviet Union were unlikely, he hoped for eventual global cooperation between the superpowers. Dallek harshest criticism of Roosevelt's tenure is the interment of Japanese-Americans. This book offers the reader valuable insight into the complex problems facing Roosevelt's decision-making processes on the eve of World War II. For this reason, Dallek's work holds a valued place in political and historical literature.

Some casual viewers of this site might wonder what the history of a small Southern town can offer readers across the nation. The answer lies in Franklin itself: for much of its history, it represented the ethos of much of the American nation, yet with noticeable differences that make its uniqueness compelling. Originally considered "the west," a wild and exotic frontier of Indians and game and forest and wild fields, Franklin became an outpost of civilization for the people at the end of the 18th Century who wished to move on to cheaper land and new business opportunities. From its earliest days, Franklinites were slaveholders, and this is another important thread in the complex story of the town, county and region. The town was the focus of the Battle of Franklin on November 30, 1864, one of the Civil War's bloodiest and ultimately most futile battles. While the city maintained the Jim Crow segregation policies as did the rest of the South after the War, this book is one of the first to point out the important African-American leaders, like Rev. A.N.C. Williams, who owned a business on Main Street. The section of the book on the city's second century, written by Robert Holladay, is perhaps the most illuminating, addressing as it does for the first time Franklin's vital Black community and the civil rights movement in the town. Unlike the violence that stained many Southern cities and small towns, Franklin schools were easily and peacefully integrated. When an African-American asked the superintendent of schools about integrating the schools, he replied indignantly that he couldn't or he'd be lynched [by whites] on the Square. The citizen mildly replied that if he didn't he'd be lynched [by Blacks] anyway, so he might as well implement the law. The superintendent did so! The role of the interfaith, interracial Church Women in achieving racial equity is also an interesting and important note. Franklin is currently caught in the vise (and vice) of overdevelopment and urban sprawl, spawned by the arrival of I-65 in the 1960s and abetted by almost a century of pro-development ideology of local goverment. The book somewhat soft-pedals this last issue (a former mayor had his hands deep in development deals himself) and ends on a positive note. Perhaps most poignant of all, however, is the photograph by Holliday showing a shady old pioneer cemetery, bordered by the traditional Middle Tennessee mortarless stone wall, adjacent to and visually overwelmed by the new commercial development in the Cool Springs Mall area. Rural Williamson County is gone, replaced by the McAmerica of any suburb from Bangor to San Diego.

This is a wonderful book about changing patterns in U.S. family life. It includes thought provoking theological reflections, ethicial analysis, and practical suggestions.

In a brilliant book unparalleled in quality, Professor Robert F. Durden provides the reader invaluable insight into the Confederate struggle over whether to free, and arm, their slaves.

This reviewer has read many history books and is a researcher by trade. The book is among--if not the--finest history book he has ever come across. Professor Durden acts as a genial host who introduces the individuals and context, and then steps back into the shadows to permit speeches, letters, and newspaper editorials describe, debate, and unfold. Professor Durden's selection of sources, incredibly well organized, clearly shows the debate over the question of the day: should the South arm the slaves, or should the slave states maintain their Southern "institutions" and perish?

This book is a critical resource for individuals interested in "Afro-Confederates" mentioned in other books, and trotted out at the drop of a confederate symbol. The book clearly indicates that the South depended upon its slave system both economically and politically, and many a southerner simply could not imagine Negroes as either Confederate citizens or armed troops. The leadership in much of the Confederacy could never tolerate the concept of Negro soldiers, and would not agree to free even those slaves who might volunteer. Yet by late 1864 many a white soldier in the ranks (including Lee) were apparently willing to accept reinforcements no matter the color. But Negroes in Virginia were not even permitted to carry arms until 1865, at the very sunset of the Rebellion. Those few souls organized at the end of the war never saw combat.

Without doubt the finest Civil War book read by this reviewer, there are no criticisms to levy. The "Gray and the Black" is impressively researched, with an excellent historiography and valuable index. The analysis, organization, thoughtfulness and dedication that went into this book are humbling. Those that purchase this book will be thrilled and enlightened.

Hardcover -224 pages 25th print edition

Fleming has found a great little piece of history about Jefferson and Franklin. A great story about writing. Highly recommended! Look for Fleming's story BIG CHEESE FOR THE WHITE HOUSE by DK Ink!

The Jacksonian Era is a splendid little book of concise invaluable history. It addresses the major themes of the Jackson Presidency: slavery, the Bank War, the robbed election, Indian removal, and even dabbles into Jackson past, which is full of grand military victories. What many people fail to grasp is the fact that without Jackson's desisive victory in New Orleans, during the War of 1812, with the British, we may not have a perfect Union, or a Union at all.

I like your book because it is uplifting. Duke will probably never be my alma matter because my grades are not good enough-mea culpa. However; reading your book gives me adrenelin. I enjoy the womans and mens athletics at Duke only as an observer. In other words, I hold no grudge if Duke wereto turn ne down. But, I want to feel good. nevada and Connecticut make me sick. I love some of the Duke women players. I hold aMasters degree,not adocterate from Harvard. I love you.