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Vicky is a complex woman, brilliant but without the tact that is so necessary at the Prussian court. Her nemeses, Bismarck, and later, her own son, Wilhelm II, ensure that none of Vicky's liberal ideas are ever implemented. Her husband waits 30 years to get on the throne and then dies 9 days later.
The oldest daughter of Queen Victoria had a happy marriage, a husband who adored her, and an absolutely disastrous political life. History would have been so much different had she been allowed to succeed her mother, instead of Bertie.
Since Vicky failed, why read her story? Because she was a brilliant, brave, charming, stubborn woman dedicated to her principles. She loved her family and both her countries with all her heart. Today she should be remembered as a woman who could have changed so much history for the better had she only had the chance.
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For Röhl, the Kaiser's involvement in the Great War was heavily influenced by his personality. Wilhelm "never matured," and was seen as a child-like figure at army headquarters. This trait was coupled with a "notorious overestimation of his own abilities, and a refusal to accept constructive criticism. To emphasize the emperor's requirement that he be at center stage at all times, Röhl repeats the apposite bon mot that Wilhelm "insisted on being the stag at every hunt, the bride at every wedding and the corpse at every funeral." (11-13) These qualities did little to endear himself to senior military officers and worked to push the Kaiser to the sidelines of decision making as the war intensified. Röhl holds that Wilhelm's public and private antics brought much scorn down upon himself and the German monarchy as a whole. He opines that
the history of the last hundred years," he opines, "has shown that a monarchy in a modern state can only hope to survive if it restricts itself firmly to its purely representational functions and avoids making any political comment and exerting any influence. That Wilhelm II did precisely the opposite is a matter of embarrassing record. (104)
Röhl concludes that Wilhelm's role in the formation of Germany policies was not insignificant before the war, particularly with regard to the turn-of-the-century naval armaments race with Great Britain, and in the domestic arena-though he was "vulnerable to manipulation by his generals and his military entourage." (166) By late 1914, Röhl declares, Wilhelm's influence began to wane, though the awareness by military leaders of which plans, people or policies the emperor would and would not support acted as "a blocking mechanism," a fact which indicates that the Kaiser could not be completely ignored. (116) Indeed, Röhl reminds his readers that "not a single appointment to an official position, and no political measure, could be undertaken without the express consent of the Kaiser." (117)
I enjoyed this book very much - it is very well-written and was a pleasure to read. I think anyone interested in this period of German/European history will find reading this book well worth the effort.
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In MacDonogh's account of Wilhelm's wartime role, he reaches a familiar conclusion: "it would be impossible to make out that he played the role of 'Supreme Warlord' between 1914 and 1918." (3) He shows that Wilhelm "wavered over the preventive strike" long advocated by the General Staff, and "each time he looked in to the abyss he drew back in horror and countermanded" his generals' orders for such an attack. (9) This gives the kaiser too much of a benevolent, conscientious role for the time. MacDonogh portrays a Kaiser swept up with the emotions and events of August 1914, a leader who allowed himself to be carried into the war. By the first weeks of the conflict, "he had become increasingly peripheral." (367) This declension culminated in January 1917 with Bethmann Hollweg's removal at the insistence of Hindenburg and Ludendorff, at which point Wilhelm "was no more than a shadow emperor. No one listened to him." (391) Probably true.....
Despite showing far more sympathy toward his subject than other biographers of Wilhelm II have done, MacDonogh echoes many of their conclusions. "It is perhaps right that we condemn William," he suggests, "for if the First World War was not his undertaking, the finger of blames points over and over again to the failure of German diplomacy in which he tried so hard to play a positive role." (460) MacDonogh seems reluctant to assign Wilhelm much direct blame for the origins of the Great War or how it was conducted. On the contrary, most students of the last Hohenzollern ruler of Germany concur with the concise biographical entry in The Oxford Companion to Military History (2001): Kaiser Wilhelm II was "seduced by...nationalism and militarism," and came to discover that "leading a cavalry charge on maneuvers...is not the same thing as presiding over a beleaguered state engaged in total war." The last German Kaiser "lacked the strength of character and consistency of purpose which his role demanded, and if he cannot be blamed for leading Germany into war, he may be more justly censured for what one historian has called 'a childlike flight from reality' in the crisis of 1914."
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As stated previously, it is short and a summary of his life.
The story includes his own downfall, leading Germany to the
Weimar Republic and then Nazi Germany.
The book does its best work in describing William's early life,
and his frosty relations with his English mother and relatives.
This led to alienation from the English royalty and prevented
Germany from forming an alliance with Great Britain, and a more
liberalized regime in Germany.
The book describes William's views on Jews, French, Russia, and
Great Britain. This was not a positive side to his personality.
Also detailed is his relationship to his mother, wife, and various mistresses, with a possible homosexual relationship with
his best friend. The author does not go into detail into this
last aspect, because there is not much evidence. His choice of
people to lead his Empire resulted in the First World War.
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With regard to the outbreak of war in 1914, however, Clark argues that while Helmuth von Moltke, chief of the German General Staff, 'pressed his sovereign'at crucial moments' in the months leading to war, at no point did the monarch 'surrender the power of decision to the military.' (215) Far from being a warmonger, Clark asserts, Wilhelm was 'reluctant to entangle Germany in a continental war,' (214) and maintained 'his own outlook on policy [that] differed in crucial ways from that of the military leadership.' (216) He never supported the 'preventive war' strategy espoused by top army officials, nor did he regard mobilization as irreversible. Clark points to Wilhelm's attempts to mediate between Serbia and Austria-Hungary as evidence of his 'reluctance to allow Germany to be sucked into a Balkan engagement' in 1914. (218) This initiative was 'overridden by the chancellor,' Clark notes, which provides further proof of the Kaiser's declining stature in affairs of the state'affairs he could 'influence'but did not control.' (218)
What of Wilhelm's involvement in the prosecution of and involvement in the Great War? Clark concludes that the Kaiser's 'capacity to exercise a command function was narrowly circumscribed,' which considerably diluted his influence among Germany's military leaders. Furthermore, he 'lacked an overview of strategic planning' leading up to and including the early stages of the war because, Clark maintains, the general staff regarded him as a security risk and refused to take him in to their confidence. As a result, he was displaced from the center of military affairs, shielded from much bad news from the front, and 'was excluded from the sphere of operational command of the land forces'though he did exercise a more direct'influence on the wartime operations of the German navy.' (227) Clark warns that one should not push the argument that the Kaiser was marginal too far. 'By virtue of his position,' he writes, Wilhelm was a 'figure of crucial importance,' namely for his authority to 'appoint and dismiss 'his' officers and officials.' (228) He concludes that although he was not vital militarily to the day to day running of the war, the emperor was a central figure in the 'processes by which some of the most central policy issues of the war years were resolved.' (244)
This is a great, short study for the student and buff.