John Hume is a virtually unknown figure in the United States, but he has been steadily gaining recognition due to his work in the Northern Irish peace agreement. This recognition is overdue and much deserved. This monumental book outlines Hume's political philosophy - a philosophy which seeks to brush aside the vengefulness and intransigence of Northern Ireland's past, searching instead for reconciliation through justice for all. Hume is heavily influenced by Matin Luther King, Jr. and John F. Kennedy, and quotes from these two figures flavor Hume's text. Hume's themes may seem repetitive, and his ideas seem to be based on the shakey foundation of human progress, but this work demonstrates that he is a champion for for a true peace in Northern Ireland - a peace that is just for all.

Kennedy's Unreal City shows the pleasures of a novelist at his peak of creativity. The endearing readability of Carver and the emotional impact of Nabokov can be found between the pages of this book. Buy it and be blessed.

--Nick Carbo, author of El Grupo McDonald's

Robert J. Kennedy's walk to Alaska is one of the most exciting adventures of all time. His humor, honesty, humility and courage will touch the reader deeply. The book's style is uniquely cryptic, but enjoyable once you get used to it.

No matter what goes wrong, Kennedy maintains an upbeat attitude at all times. His conversations with his buddy Ty, who came to visit Kennedy three times during the walk, are truly delightful and insightful. Several times in the book I was moved to tears. And many more times I found myself laughing out loud.

Kennedy strikingly lacks the crudeness often found in other adventurers. His ineptness is also unique among adventurers, but that only endears him further.

I strongly recommend this book for readers of all ages. Kennedy's story proclaims loudly that chivalry still lives; and it also has a sense of humor.

That so many things could go wrong during a 5-month walk is almost incredible. But the book documents the events with great detail. The reader often feels he or she is right there walking alongside. Or crawling alongside, in some cases.

The bear encounter is truly gripping, due mainly to its remote and dark setting.

Buy this book, but don't expect it to be anything like any other adventure book you have ever read. This is a spiritual journey as well as a physical and romantic one.

I cannot recommend any book more highly.

As historian Robert Dallek explains in his forward, this is Thomas Whalen's debut and this work reflects that fact. The writing is sometimes wooden and some quotes are added more to impress the reader, or other historians, that Mr. Whalen went to the effort to interview some of the remaining survivors from that election half a century ago. However, Mr. Whalen's analysis is thoughtful. JFK's 51.5 %-48.5 % victory over Henry Cabot Lodge was historic in many ways. If he had lost, Jack Kennedy's presidential ambitions would most likely been crushed and he may have decided on another line of work. A Lodge victory may well have propelled him to a showdown with Richard Nixon for the 1960 Republican presidential nomination (and this would be dependent on Lodge being re-elected for Senate in 1958, one of the greatest Democratic years in election history). A Lodge Republican presidential nomination in 1960 would certainly have delayed the GOP's rightward turn that was to follow and may have altered the GOP for a generation or more. Ironically, by losing to Kennedy, Lodge would become Vice-President Nixon's running mate in 1960. The author is pretty clear about the reasons for JFK's narrow victory. Joseph Kennedy's money was of great use in this era of comparatively cheaply run elections. The Kennedy campaign charmed women voters with tea parties held by the Kennedy women and door-to-door campaigning. Eunice and Ethel were especially energetic. Lodge did not begin his own campaign until September, spending most of the summer working for the nomination of Dwight Eisenhower as the Republican presidential standard-bearer. Interestingly, Lodge's efforts for Ike angered the conservative Republican Massachusetts newspaperman Basil Brewer, who supported Robert Taft for the GOP presidential nomination. Brewer owned the New Bedford Evening Standard and the Cape Cod Standard Times and he threw his support to JFK rather than Lodge in an act of political revenge. Kennedy mauled Lodge in Irish-Catholic areas where Lodge had performed well in the past. Lodge had won 40 % + in most Irish wards in his election victory in 1946 over David Walsh. JFK reduced Lodge's totals to around 20 % in those same Irish-American neighborhoods. Kennedy cut into Lodge's advantages in traditionally Yankee/Brahmin neighborhoods like Beacon Hill, Back Bay and Cape Cod due to his non-ethnic outlook. As JFK advisor and future Democratic National Committee chairman Lawrence O'Brien explained, "Kennedy represented a new generation, a new kind of Irish politician, one who was rich and respectable and could do battle with the Lodges and other Yankee politicians on their own terms." Kennedy also improved upon the Democratic vote amongst other ethnic groups and in economically stressed manufacturing towns like Lynn. Interestingly, neither JFK nor Ted Kennedy was able to save Massachusetts manufacturing from decline in the years to come. One weak point of the book is a lack of understanding of Massachusetts's changing demographics in the 20th Century. By the time of JFK's victory over Lodge, the Massachusetts Irish were growing in numbers and power and were confident that the future was theirs politically. On the other hand, with much smaller families than the Irish, the Yankees could see the handwriting on the wall by 1952 that they were doomed to lose their control over a land they had dominated since 1620. Emphasizing this point was the landslide defeat of George Cabot Lodge, Henry's son, to the lightly regarded (at least then) Edward Moore "Ted" Kennedy in the 1962 Senate race. After the defeat of the last political Lodge in 1962, Yankees largely surrendered the political arena to the Irish and other Massachusetts ethnic groups. Many, and probably most, Yankees would change their political allegience to Democratic within a generation or two as the modern day Republican party moved to the right. Fifty years after the Kennedy-Lodge Senate race, the Massachusetts Yankees are a small bulwark in the Democratic predominance of the essentially one-party state of Massachusetts.

While there have been many books written about presidential campaigns, relatively few books have been written about important congressional campaigns. Thomas Whalen's "Kennedy versus Lodge" attempts to correct this bias by offering the reader a well-written, well-researched account of a truly historic US Senate race in Massachusetts between two of the most important political families in American history. Until 1952 the dominant political family in Massachusetts and New England was the Republican Lodge family, and they were far better-known and more distinguished than the Kennedys. The Lodges were descended from the original English, Puritan colonists who had settled Massachusetts in the 1600's, and they had made their millions in the nineteenth century while the Kennedys and other Irish Catholic immigrants to Boston were fighting just to survive. From the 1880's to the 1920's the family's most famous figure was Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Sr. A close friend of Theodore Roosevelt and one of the most powerful men in Congress, Lodge led the fight to keep the USA out of the League of Nations and became President Woodrow Wilson's most hated enemy. Lodge also looked down his nose at the "grubby" Irish Catholic immigrants who were beginning to outnumber the older Protestant English families (called "Yankees" or "Brahmins") who had dominated Massachusetts politics since the United States became an independent nation. In 1916 Lodge faced a stiff challenge for his Senate seat by John "Honey Fitz" Fitzgerald, the popular Irish Catholic Mayor of Boston, and who was John F. Kennedy's grandfather. Lodge narrowly defeated Fitzgerald, thus beginning a great rivalry between the two families. Fitzgerald's daughter, Rose, desperately wanted to avenge her father's defeat by the Lodges, and in 1952 she got her chance when her handsome and charming son, Congressman John F. Kennedy, ran against Lodge's grandson and namesake, Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., for a Senate seat. Lodge was the dominant politician in New England and a national leader of Liberal Republicans (and there used to be lots of Liberal Republicans). Kennedy was originally seen as the underdog in the race, and Lodge had beaten some tough Irish Catholic politicians before. Lodge even advised JFK's tough father, Joe, to "save his money" and avoid the race. Of course, that only made the Kennedys even more determined to "get even" and defeat the Lodges once and for all. They poured a huge amount of money into the race, ran a slick advertising campaign, and John F. Kennedy himself repeatedly visited every town and village in Massachusetts. Lodge, however, was so confident of victory that he ignored his own race and spent most of 1952 helping to lead the fight to get the Republican presidential nomination for Dwight Eisenhower and defeat the conservative Republican candidate, Senator Robert Taft of Ohio. Eisenhower won the nomination, but Taft's angry supporters in Massachusetts vowed revenge against Lodge and defected to Kennedy's campaign. Lodge didn't get his own Senate campaign started until August 1952, and by then the Kennedy's campaign "machine" was running at full steam. In the end John F. Kennedy narrowly defeated Lodge and "evened the score" for the Kennedys. As Whalen points out, this Senate campaign truly made history. If Kennedy hadn't beaten Lodge, he almost certainly would never have become President. And if Lodge had won, then he would have become one of the most powerful Republicans in America, and could have been the Republican presidential nominee in 1960 instead of Richard Nixon. And, of course, Kennedy's victory allowed his family to replace the Lodges as New England's most powerful and famous political dynasty. After their 1952 defeat, the Lodges never again elected a member of their family to political office, and today the family has "retired" from political life. Overall, this is a fine book about an important Senate race between two wealthy and prominent politicians whose careers would change American history, for better and for worse.

Here is an engaging account of a seminal election campaign, the results of which would reverberate through Massachusetts and national politics for decades to come.

Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. was the grandson of an early 20th Century political titan and Teddy Roosevelt confidant, and in 1952, an accomplished, three-term Senate incumbent in his own right. John F. Kennedy was the upstart Congressman with star power: the charismatic war hero with a natural electoral base in the Bay State's sizable Irish Catholic community and plenty of Daddy's money to bolster his campaign.

Thomas Whalen tells the story of the election that would catapult Kennedy into national prominence and put him on the road to the White House eight short years later. Whalen explores many reasons for Kennedy's victory, including his assiduous courting of the women's vote, adroit use of the new television medium, and the electorate's strong affinity for an "Irish Brahmin."

Another major factor, according to Whalen, was Lodge's role in helping to engineer the Republican nomination for Dwight Eisenhower at the Republican convention. Lodge, who served as Ike's campaign chairman, earned the eternal enmity of the Taft loyalists, who meted out their retribution by openly siding with his Democratic opponent in the 1952 Senate campaign. Kennedy's position as an avowed Cold Warrior helped to facilitate the flight of Republican conservatives such as the influential newspaper publisher Basil Brewster into the Kennedy camp. Even Ike's superb showing at the top of the ticket -- he won Massachusetts handily -- could not carry the day for Lodge, who would never again hold elective office.

Lodge's defeat would signal the beginning of the end of Yankee Republican primacy, and cement Democratic hegemony in the Bay State. After Ike, no Republican Presidential candidate would carry the state again until Reagan in 1984.

For the Kennedy clan, the victory was sweet revenge. JFK's maternal grandfather, the irrepressible "Honey Fitz" Fitzgerald, had failed in a bid for the elder Lodge's Senate seat in 1916.

Highly recommended for anyone interested in U.S. politics.

Book was very factual. I do not recall the road to the "On Time" ferry having a 90 degree turn to the dock. It was more like an arc. The bridge road was at 100-115 degree right turn. The DA, my next door neighbor, needs further examination. The author should not assume she drowned. An autopsy would have painted a far different picture. Money buys many things.

Since the only other review of this book doesn't make any sense, I thought it necessary to write a coherent one. This book is truly incredible. It proves Ted Kennedy's guilt with clarity and integrity. The facts are simply undeniable - if it weren't for Ted, Mary Jo would be alive today. The Kennedy family has long been America's sweethearts. It is high time that they are revealed as murders, philanderers, cheaters, liars and losers. Sorry, but this is coming from an Irish Catholic who is ashamed to admit that the Kennedys claim some ties to the land of her origin! They are all bad but Ted Kennedy is the worst. He should be behind bars- this book will tell you why. Read it - it's a well done piece of detective work and it will hold your interest. It may also make your blood boil - but that's not the authors' fault! DOWN WITH THE KENNEDYS!

Evan Thomas has written an excellent, fair-minded, admirably even-handed biography of Robert Kennedy, and, given the mythos that surrounds the Kennedys, that alone is a significant accomplishment. Thomas also happens to be a fine writer, and this book is a pleasure to read (with the exception that at times I found it very hard to tell which "Kennedy" Thomas was talking about). However -- and I'm not saying that this is Thomas' fault - after nearly 400 pages, I still can't say I understand the "younger brother full of pain." For instance, I still have essentially no clue - assuming that RFK had not been assassinated, had won the Democratic nomination for President in 1968 (unlikely), and defeated Richard Nixon in the general election (also unlikely) - what kind of President he would have made. And, probably wisely, Thomas takes the safe, responsible road and does not speculate on this but simply ends the book with RFK's assassination. Too bad. I would have enjoyed Thomas' speculations very much, and this is an unfortunate flaw in an otherwise first-rate book.

As portrayed by Thomas, RFK is, to paraphrase Churchill, a mystery, an enigma, and a riddle. What made this guy tick? Thomas speculates, which is about all he can do given the subject and the availability of solid information, but really, who knows? Was RFK a liberal, moderate, conservative, all of the above, or something else altogether? Again, after reading Thomas' book, I still can't say. Which was the "real RFK" - the young assistant to Senator Joseph McCarthy's communist witchhunts or the older man who came to admire Che Guevara and Cesar Chavez? The young man who -- as Attorney General -- went along with J. Edgar Hoover's wiretaps of Martin Luther King and had little interest in the civil rights struggle, or the older man who made a triumphant, inspirational tour of black South Africa (and the inner cities of the USA)? A realpolitik, ruthless, back-channel conniver? Or an idealistic, insecure, brave, inspirational leader? And on and on the contradictions, complexities, and confusions go, as Thomas tries valiantly to make sense of it all.

In sum, this is an excellent book that I highly recommend, about a fascinating, important person who, ultimately, may simply be unknowable. So, I find it highly appropriate that one of RFK's favorite books was Camus' "The Stranger," because that is what RFK was, and possibly always will be.

Evan Thomas has set an exceptionally high standard for political as well as historical biography with this masterful account of the life of a brilliant and tortured leader. Highly readable and meticulously researched with the added advantage of having unlimited exclusive access to Kennedy's private papers, this narrative brings to life a complex and dynamically forceful man.

From RFK's early days to his untimely death while reaching for the Presidency, Thomas gives us an unvarnished but at the same time a sympathetic look at the "ruthless" Kennedy. We see RFK molding his skills as the tireless/relentless campaign manager for his brother as JFK ran for Congress in '46 and the Senate in '52. His driven pursuit of Hoffa as a part of the Senate Rackets Committee brings RFK into the national spotlight and sets the stage for the monolithic JFK Presidential campaign and administration.

Awarded the Attorney Generalship for his work during the campaign, Bobby offsets the nepotism charges by becoming the most trusted advisor to his brother during one of history's most sublime and at the same time most dangerous Presidential terms. Thomas deftly covers the inside machinations of such historical events as the Bay of Pigs, the multiple assasination plots against Castro and the subsequent Missile Crisis. RFK's role is at once expertly and judiciously displayed as the manipulative bully who runs interference while JFK remains above the fray. Conversely, when challenged, he shows that he can become thoughtful and brilliant on the world stage as evidenced by his performance during the Missile Crisis.

Of lesser known historical events such as the burgeoning civil rights acts of the early 60's, the fight against the "mob" and organized crime and the constant and frustrating battles with J. Edgar Hoover, Thomas reveals RFK in the same light...the same intensity, the same propensity for error (notable in the tapping of Martin Luther King's phone)and the same caring leadership with his characteristically kindred feelings for the "underdog".

Following JFK's assasination, we see RFK's mythological transformation from follower to leader...Thomas covers his Senate election following that crippling "depression" period and shows how he slowly established his own policies and agenda. All this leads to the almost Shakespearian tragedy of the '68 campaign for the Presidency and a brilliant ending to the book where Thomas philosophizes on what a prospective RFK Presidential administration might have been: "He probably would have been devious in some ways, and it is not impossible to imagine him abusing the power of his office. But he would have surely tried to tackle the problems of poverty and discrimination, and he would have tried to end the killing in Vietnam long before President Nixon did."

A sweeping narrative of a fascinating man and a shrewd examination of his character, this work by Evan Thomas is both comprehensive and an entertaining read and should stand the test of time and be considered the best RFK biography of the many that are currently published. This is an essential read for any political or historical buff and I recommend it highly.

Robert F. Kennedy was a compelling figure, and like too many others, struck down in the prime of his life. Like most who suffer a tragic end early, his life is filled with "What ifs?"

His life was paradoxical. He was hated by some, being a staffer for the Red-baiter, Joseph McCarthy, and so-called liberals would not let his work for McCarthy be forgotten. "Ruthless" was the adjective given early on, as his bigger brother's hatchet man during the 1960 Presidential campaign and during the 1,000 days of Camelot. But during this time, his association with McCarthy was forgiven as Kennedy's compassion for those less fortunate than him came to the forefront.

Biographer Thomas has written engaging and readable biographies of D.C legendary attorney, Edward Bennett Williams and some of the shapers of the post war world (The Wise Men). His style is very readable, with sufficient detail to give texture to the story without being too bogged down in detail as to make the book move too slowly.

Some reviewers criticize this work for not being able to explain away all of the paradoxical inconsistencies of Robert Kennedy. I think this expects too much of anyone. How can any person know all that makes a person tick? Any thoughtful individual should be expected to grow and to evolve (God help us all if this were not so). Contradictions abound in him, like in most of us.

By book's end, I did not have answers to all of the questions about Robert Kennedy. I did, however have a better feel for his years in power as well as a bit better understanding of the turbulent first two-thirds of the 1960's. As another reviewer noted, Robert Kennedy had a significant role to play in the seminal events experienced in the United States during this era. His fingerprints were to be found on decisions related to the Bay of Pigs, the zenith of the Civil Rights Movement, the Red Scare, labor relations and organized crime. He was there and impacting each of these. This balanced assessment of his role in these events is certainly enough for me to find this worthwhile.

Bailey and Kennedy's documents collection is now a standard in secondary schools and some colleges, and with good reason. The book is well-organized, contains excerpts short enough that students can read them as complements to a narrative text (or even in class), and the authors generally include multiple perspectives on controversial issues. The section on the Spanish/American/Cuban/Filipino war, for example, provides at least one document from each "side," making this a useful resource for those of us who teach.

Readers should beware, however, that subsequent revisions of the original edition have not kept pace with developments in historical inquiry. The book is very lean on social history, and there are almost no documents on cultural history. Furthermore, the collection is very idiosyncratic in its inclusion of African-Americans and women. For example, the text does not include an excerpt of the Brown v. Board decision of 1954 and omits any mention of second-wave feminism in its collection of documents on "the stormy sixties."

Perhaps the 10th edition will be more inclusive, but for now I'd suggest students -- and teachers -- of American history seeking for a supplementary documents collection keep looking.

As a secondary school social studies teacher I found this book very helpful. There are numerous sources, and each has an informative and interesting introduction. A broad range of sources include everyday people and politicians, cartoons, letters, and speeches. A must have for the social studies classroom!

I thought this was a wonderful collection of primary sources that really encouraged the further learning of History. Bailey does such a nice job with this book.

This book has been the BANE of my existence since I started A.P. History. I'll let some typically horrendous qoutes speak for me. "The Russian bear, having lumbered across Asia, was seeking to bathe its frostbitten paws in the ice-free ports of China's Manchuria..."; "...looted and polluted...w/ speed and greed.."; "fearing that a new generation of Germans would follow in their father's goose steps..." and so on. There's an entire chapter with section names such as "Unhorsing Knights of Labor" and "Gvt. Bridles the Iron Horse" and shameful use of alliteration such as "Wrongdoing in Railroading" and "Miracles in Mechanization". Bailey even throws in one that rhymes. It may seem funny to an outsider, but it's not--the entire book is written exactly like that. Bailey amazes me anew w/ every chapter. Just when you think it can't get any worse, it does, big time. My theory is that his 1st ambition was to be a grocery-store romance novelist, but his writing was too bad, even for that--so he turned to textbooks to pay the bills. It's not even close to being objective, as a text should be; he constantly passes judgement on events, policies, even people. My hatred is impossible to fully express. I used to LOVE history, but this thing makes reading a chore. I plan to complain to the proper authorities in my school, to try to improve the lot of future generations of students.

Bailey made clear distinguishing characteristics between the roots of the early democratic and republican parties and carried their philosophies throughout the book.

I guess that the history of American politics and how it REALLY became what it is today bothers many who feel that capitalism is nothing but evil, that there were ever countries that threatened our nation once upon a time, and that REAGAN whooped communism by OUT-SPENDING them on arms...these truths are spelled out in this book whether you want to face them or not.

This book is the finest work of American history that I have ever read. It is high informative while tracing the historical currents in American politics, economics, and society. It provides superp preparation for the AP US History exam. It is a truly enjoyable book to read: a pleasant mix of wit and scholarship.

It is a wonderful idea to make available recordings of great speeches. I hope we have more of this in the future.
In the case of older speeches, the selection is very good, considering the restraints of time, and the readers are uniformly excellent.
As for the modern speeches, it is a marvel of technology that we can hear these speeches as delivered. It is incredible that we can hear the voice of William Jennings Bryan. I can listen to Martin Luther King's "I have a dream" a thousand times and never tire of it! How I wish I could listen to the voice of Patrick Henry! But this selection is too heavily weighted to the modern, and many of those do not deserve billing as the GREATEST speeches of ALL TIME. Also, some of the modern speeches which are included are abridged, e.g. Reagan is cut off in the middle of a sentence, while lengthy and undeserving speeches are played out in their entirety.
Also, with only a few exceptions, the selection is almost entirely American. It is hard to understand why Jimmy Carter's lengthy speech on energy policy is included, while Pericles' funeral oration is not; or why only a small portion of a single Winston Churchill speech is included; why while Bill Clinton's complete 1993 pulpit address, in excess of 20 minutes, is included.
It would be helpful if the complete list of speeches were available to online buyers, as it would be to shoppers in a brick and mortar store.

I have listened to this collection twice now, both times with pleasure. Hearing the acutal voices of Amelia Earhart, Rev. Martin Luther King, Winston Churchill and Neil Armstrong made a deeper connection than simply reading their words. The collection showcases different subjects and many times contrasts opposing viewpoints of the ideas. This volume is a fantastic introduction to the moving ideals and sometimes sad truths that have influenced Western Civilization.

After receiving a few mean-spirited e-mails about my review of this book, I feel I must clarify a few issues.

Again, I've gone through nearly 30 books about 9/11. After you get past the austere black cover, this paperback falls with a thud.

Simply put, this book tries too HARD to be profound. You see images you've seen before, such as the sequence of shots of one of the jets slamming into the south tower of the WTC. Nothing new.

Two things bug me: Layout and content.

In the layout, you get the feeling the editors are trying to SLEGEHAMMER the reader with the obvious. I hate this. For example, in some essays, certain words and phrases are laid out into single lines, as if they are poetry. Then there is the awful decision to use fonts of varying sizes to EMPHASIZE certain passages. This is a pretentious device that, I'm sorry, calls TOO MUCH ATTENTION to itself. It is completely unnecessary and smacks of a patronizing tone intended to magnify the depth and gravity of what occurred on 9/11. We all know about that dark day. We DON'T need it pushed into our faces under the umbrella of "literary art."

Meanwhile, about the Chomsky essay: It's short but it's awful. It's laid out, again, in a way that feels like "padding." His message reads like an "I told you so" lesson. Here's what he does: He points to America's "sins" of the past and then turns them around in a way that makes you want to believe that it's NOW THE UNITED STATES' TURN TO SUFFER. This is horrible. His opinions are the stuff of fiery pamphlets handed out on street corners. (BECAUSE WHO WOULD PAY FOR THIS?)

OK, what's good about this book? Well, some of the transcripts of phone calls and a handful essays from victims and witnesses are well done. Why? Because they ARE NOT pretentious. But when others try to be "inspirational," they end up stating the obvious. I can't help but feel most writers were given an outlet to "vent" their own emotions, which have more relevance to the writer than to the reader.

If you want more for less, pick up the December 2001 issue of American Heritage Magazine. There you get five-star opinions about 9/11 from individuals of world repute. It has a "permanence" this book lacks and it doesn't feel rushed together.

In sum, it's fine to read what people like Joan Rivers, Deepak Chopra, Richard Dreyfuss and others "feel" about 9/11. But is it worth PAYING for? You can't judge quality by "good intentions." This is a rush-to-market volume featuring opinions from most who have (or who will have) little if any impact on our lives. Why not opinions from Giuliani, Bush, Blair, Sharon and Arafat, even those recorded by the news media in the AFTERMATH of 9/11? Why not more views from individuals who can effect CHANGE? This book could have been GREAT.

Trust me, this is NOT the definitive book of "think pieces" about 9/11/01.

If you disagree, fine. It's your money. But my advice is to borrow before you buy. There are other books worth buying. This one isn't.

Features a collection of moving photos and thoughtful essays, which capture much of what the world saw and felt September 11, 2001. Notable contributors include Deepak Chopra, author; Gary Fabiano, photojournalist who was trapped under the rubble; Robert Kennedy, Jr., politician; Liam Neeson, actor; Shashi Tharoor, Senior UN Official and author; and more. . All proceeds from this book will go to support the International Red Cross Federation.

This book is not easy to find. I finally ordered it from Amazon.com and I was amazed by it. I read all the critiques to this book. I usually like or do not like a book. I love this book, it is very factual, accurate and explores the feeling of about 30 people that had somenting to say about 9-11. It does not matter to me who they are and what they do, what matters is that the essays touch on fears that I had and still have. I do not pretend this book to change the world but to give me feeling and images to hang on to. On each essay I can find someting I can relate to and this makes the book special, it makes it personal. Highly recommended.