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Since all of these things can be gotten over the Internet these days, the main benefit of this book is that it is in book form and you can pick it up for stock ideas in the tech area (except for IBM and HPQ).
The only thing that I found interesting was the author's Top 25 Picks for 2002-2003. This list includes all the big cap tech stocks except QCOM and has some comments about each choice. There's also an interesting discussion about the QQQ's and the Rydex funds and how it might be better for most investors to simply buy these instead of riding the ups and downs of these highly-volatile individual issues.
I would like to have seen a more lively format, but I guess this book wasn't meant for my entertainment. If you want to buy individual stocks within the NASDAQ 100, you will need more current information in addition to what is presented here.
The Bottom Line: It's a handy reference.
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The author is clearly no believer in the efficacy of covert action, but even here he fails to make a strong case why it should be rejected as a foreign policy instrument, concluding that as long as power politics reign, Presidents and leaders of the intelligence community will resort to what they see as a "third option" between diplomacy and the use of force.
The book is riddled with error beginning with crediting Gen Gehlen with covert action in the Baltics and the Ukraine under CIA control. It is, as a previous reviewer has noted, flawed by a lack of documentation. Nutter, for example, insinuates that the CIA was somehow involved in stealing Jimmy Carter's briefing books in preparation for the 1980 Presidential debates.
There is nothing here on a host of covert actions which have long been known to insiders, ranging from the hostage escape in Tehran to prominent agents of influence. Covert action should be a subject of serious study and debate, but this is a useful compendium of failures and abuses in the Cold War. It says little about how --- or whether --- covert action should be used to combat current anhd future threats.
BTW this is not to say that this is a poorly written book. It is very engaging especially for those unfamiliar with the subjects and the history behind various operations. But be aware that this is more of a book aimed at a college level course - ie provoking discussions - than being semi-sensationalistic.
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So buy it for an interesting histort of the time but don't buy it if your looking for information on how one of the great Real Estate investors of his time developed and managed his system of success.
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This book was published in 1992, long before 9/11/2001 became the dominant symbol of destruction that is such a contrast to the situation faced by Tocqueville, Mill, and Burckhardt due to "the social and cultural leveling carried out by the Old Regime gradually weakened and even destroyed all the bonds that had formerly connected individuals in a society of orders." (p. 16, citing note 33). This situation was taken seriously, but associated with "Individualism, in this negative sense, was intimately connected with political centralization. The destruction of political liberty--that is, of a political system based on local self-government--was the worst result of the Old Regime in Tocqueville's eyes." (p. 17). Calling a belief in any established order ARISTOCRATIC LIBERALISM, as this book does over and over, is almost quaint. Consider the choices faced by intellectuals of that time. "Too many of the ideas of the Revolution and the Enlightenment could easily lead to despotism, whether by a party or by a military dictatorship, for the aristocratic liberals to be comfortable." (p. 33). Perhaps we who regularly demonstrate and vote against such dictatorial tendencies have escaped the need to confront such fears, now that society is organized mainly for work and pleasure, so that now, the only form of order more important than entertainment values is the form of corporate hierarchy which people expect to submit to on the job.
Chapter 2 of ARISTOCRATIC LIBERALISM, with its emphasis on the hegemony of the middle class, the commercial spirit, stagnation, and mediocrity, comes close to a description of the current situation, though it doesn't consider how popular the link of home entertainment could make such modern adaptations as movies and sports, typically ersatz activities which create the illusion that localities have some grasp on the attention of the people living in a particular area. On a national level, it is easier to believe that those carrying out policy are not quite following orders as much as they are following Donald Rumsfeld, an old man who could be replaced any minute, like the Secretary of the Army, who didn't have to give up his job because of anything he did at Enron. He just submitted his resignation anyway, quite recently, when he found out who didn't want to see him around anymore. If anything, we have advanced from aristocracy to a *throw the bums out* mentality that is likely to be applied with little or no link to reality, whenever the majority finds itself hurting. Chapter 3, "Despotisms: The State and Its Masters," tries to consider the dangers of Public Opinion, Suffrage, the Prussian Constitution, Socialism and the Fear of Socialism.
Chapter 4 is on "Modern Humanism: The Values of Aristocratic Liberalism." A theme of much of the book is that no one took the side of the aristocrats for their sake; they were merely valued because they were not perceived as being pawns. "On the grand scale, diversity within a culture played a parallel role to the diverse character of human nature and particular individuals. A specialized society which allowed expression to only one aspect of humanity was repugnant for the same reason a purely one-sided specialized individual was: it was not fully human." (p. 104). "Burckhardt's Renaissance man was no example of calm balance and symmetry, in classical fashion, but of powerful, even demonic diversity of talent. As such, the Renaissance was in this way too the beginning of modernity for Burckhardt." (p. 105).
Chapters 5 and 6 still cling to the time frame of 1830-1870, in which "the priority many liberals put on preserving private property did not make them conservatives or reactionaries, at least not by choice, although when sufficiently frightened by the specter of socialism they tended to run for the authoritarian government, as Tocqueville lamented." (p. 141). Liberals in 2003 are still frightened enough of being called liberals to have much to say when confronted with long-term trends that could wipe out the prosperity which they claimed as a result of their policies in the 20th century. Liberals must be used to reading insults by now, but I'm not sure it will do them any good to read more of the type this book contains. "One element of an exclusion principle is contained, as I have noted, in the statement that liberals are not democrats, and that anyone who believes in immediate universal suffrage is not a liberal." (p. 140).
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I ran across this on a search for the perfect edition of Hansel and Gretel. The illustrator does an excellent job, but her illustrations are far too frightening for young children. At times, Hansel and Gretel's eyes seem to glow, and the witch is horrifying... her long tangled hair has bones in it. You can almost hear shrieks and groans as you look at the pictures. I showed the picture to a friend of mine (a graphic artist), and she found it very disturbing.
I cannot give the book fewer than three stars, because it is so well done. But I cannot give it more than three, because I think it would scare the daylights out of young children. Granted, Hansel and Gretel is a scary story, but I remember coming across less frightening versions when I was a kid.
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