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RFK was well educated at Portsmouth Priory, Harvard College, and the University of Virginia law school, but Thomas suggests that other events in his formative years and early adulthood were more influential. Kennedy just missed serving in World War II, in which his oldest brother Joseph was killed in combat and from which JFK returned a hero. According to Thomas: "Perhaps in part because he had never seen the real thing, Kennedy glorified war." In 1953, RFK briefly served as a lawyer on the staff of Senator Joseph McCarthy's permanent subcommittee on investigations. Thomas offers no reason to believe that Kennedy was offended by the substance of the work; his early departure was, instead, the result of a personality conflict with the notorious Roy Cohn. RFK eventually made a name for himself investigating corruption in the labor movement and the influence of organized crime on unions, and he later believed that the Mafia don of New Orleans played a role in the assassination of his brother.
After John Kennedy's election in 1960, according to Thomas, Joseph P. Kennedy insisted that Robert be appointed Attorney General to position him to serve as the President's "all-purpose consigliere." Some of RFK's assignments in that role were ugly, and Thomas suggests that the psychological effects were deep. It is now well known that Kennedy pressured the C.I.A. to "get rid" of Fidel Castro, and RFK also gave the F.B.I. authority to wiretap the telephones of the Rev. Martin Luther King, caving in to pressure from Director J. Edgar Hoover, who was almost pathologically obsessed with attempting to discredit the civil rights leader. If there is little in this book which is new, there is plenty to reinforce Robert Kennedy's reputation for ruthlessness.
The vicious Lyndon Johnson-Robert Kennedy rivalry, which pervaded their formal relationship from President Kennedy's assassination in November 1963 through the time of RFK's death, also attracts a good deal of Thomas's attention. Their now well-documented hatred for each other was profound in its ugliness, and this made it exceptionally difficult for holdovers from the Kennedy administration to serve effectively under Johnson.
Some of the most telling passages concern Robert Kennedy's limitations as a practical politician. During his 1964 campaign for election to the Senate from New York, according to Thomas, Kennedy proved that he "was not a natural on the stump," and, although RFK defeated a Republican incumbent, he ran 2,000,000 votes behind President Johnson's awesome margin of victory in that state. Once in office, Kennedy refused to exert himself with respect to the Senate's elaborate system of customs and rituals, and, according to Thomas, "in his three and one half years in the U.S. Senate, he lacked the seniority to pass any major piece of legislation."
Anyone who reads Evan Thomas's biography of Robert Kennedy will learn a lot about one of the most important figures in American politics in the 1960s, but I suspect that some readers will be left with the sense that they still do not really know the man.
From RFK's early days to his untimely death while reaching for the Presidency, Thomas gives us an unvarnished but at the same time a sympathetic look at the "ruthless" Kennedy. We see RFK molding his skills as the tireless/relentless campaign manager for his brother as JFK ran for Congress in '46 and the Senate in '52. His driven pursuit of Hoffa as a part of the Senate Rackets Committee brings RFK into the national spotlight and sets the stage for the monolithic JFK Presidential campaign and administration.
Awarded the Attorney Generalship for his work during the campaign, Bobby offsets the nepotism charges by becoming the most trusted advisor to his brother during one of history's most sublime and at the same time most dangerous Presidential terms. Thomas deftly covers the inside machinations of such historical events as the Bay of Pigs, the multiple assasination plots against Castro and the subsequent Missile Crisis. RFK's role is at once expertly and judiciously displayed as the manipulative bully who runs interference while JFK remains above the fray. Conversely, when challenged, he shows that he can become thoughtful and brilliant on the world stage as evidenced by his performance during the Missile Crisis.
Of lesser known historical events such as the burgeoning civil rights acts of the early 60's, the fight against the "mob" and organized crime and the constant and frustrating battles with J. Edgar Hoover, Thomas reveals RFK in the same light...the same intensity, the same propensity for error (notable in the tapping of Martin Luther King's phone)and the same caring leadership with his characteristically kindred feelings for the "underdog".
Following JFK's assasination, we see RFK's mythological transformation from follower to leader...Thomas covers his Senate election following that crippling "depression" period and shows how he slowly established his own policies and agenda. All this leads to the almost Shakespearian tragedy of the '68 campaign for the Presidency and a brilliant ending to the book where Thomas philosophizes on what a prospective RFK Presidential administration might have been: "He probably would have been devious in some ways, and it is not impossible to imagine him abusing the power of his office. But he would have surely tried to tackle the problems of poverty and discrimination, and he would have tried to end the killing in Vietnam long before President Nixon did."
A sweeping narrative of a fascinating man and a shrewd examination of his character, this work by Evan Thomas is both comprehensive and an entertaining read and should stand the test of time and be considered the best RFK biography of the many that are currently published. This is an essential read for any political or historical buff and I recommend it highly.
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From his power struggles with Francis Ford Coppola and his tumultuous relationship with Ali MacGraw to his close personal relationship with Henry Kissinger and his downfall due to drugs and dubious family loyalties, Evans's life is the stuff of legend. He couldn't have devised a more cinematic story if he'd been paid to, though one gets the impression he tries -- a master marketer and charismatic manipulator, the truth may never be adequately divulged despite his best efforts. However, his candid recollection of the difficult times in his life, especially the end of his marriage to MacGraw and his strained relationship with Kissinger after his notorious drug bust, are admirable. Whatever he may have done wrong, Evans manages to avoid painting himself as either a saint or a villain, instead allowing us to root for him, envy him, question him, pity him and, in the end, empathize with him.
If all Hollywood lives were as interesting as the business they traffic in, everyone's autobiography would read like Robert Evans's.
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I read this book twice, one time after the other. It is a difficult book to read, one that takes time because of the nature of the subject.
I agree with at least 85% of it, however it does not shed a favorable light on those Christians who manifest speaking in tounges, prophecy, etc.
The author is very conservative and that is o.k. but Charasmatic readers may find a tidbit of the author's analysis offensive.
Surely, as Christians we can look over those things we don't agree with, in order to learn more about the subject matter at hand.
RITUALS FOR OUR TIMES is a well-written and lucid description of the importance of rituals in our lives, regardless of one's spiritual beliefs. In modern, Western, secular culture, many of us have forgotten the value of marking life passages in ways that speak to our individual needs. Well-organized and well-written, with helpful questions to guide us through planning a ritual and whom to include, RITUALS FOR OUR TIMES brings us back to the power and pleasure of even everyday rituals. Through their suggestions, we learn how we can plan rituals with forethought and conscious choice and without rigidity to old ways that no longer work. With touching stories, authors Imber-Black and Roberts demonstrate the potency of ritual to facilitate growth and resolve conflicts--old and new.