La edición de Pathfinder es la más importante porque incluye un artículo escrito en 1938 por León Trotsky, quien junto con V.I. Lenin fue dirigente principal de la revolución rusa de 1917. Trotsky explica que "el manifiesto comunista" sigue siendo de suma importancia hoy en día. También analiza los cambios en el mundo capitalista desde 1848, incluyendo el desarrollo de los monopolios económicos, el papel del estado, las relaciones entre las distintas clases sociales, y la creciente unidad de condiciones de luchas de los trabajadores y agricultores de todos los países del mundo.
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Was wealth and the means of producing more wealth always the private possession of individuals or a small section of society?
Were women always at the bottom of society, treated primarily as sex objects and machines for child-bearing and child-raising?
And is this humanity's destiny?
In this book published in 1884, Fredrich Engels answers the above questions in the negative. His book is based on anthropological data available in his day from societies around the globe. New discoveries since have confirmed his conclusions and the book is remarkably relevant today.
Frederick Engels, coworker of Karl Marx, says no. Engels demonstrates that these three institutions arose in the fairly recent history of the human race, as a way to establish the rule of the many over the few. And, conversley, when these institutions are an obstacle to human progress, they can be dismantled.
Although this book was written about 125 years ago, the subject matter and his point of view sound surprisingly modern. Evelyn Reed, a Marxist anthropologist, writes a 1972 introduction that updates the original work from the point of view of 20th century anthropology debates abd the rise of modern women's movement. An additional short article by Engels, "The part played by labor in the transition from ape to man" is a lively piece that could be part of today's debates on human origin with almost no hint of its vintage (except maybe for his use of the term "man", instead of gender-neutral "humanity").
Engels takes up the rise of the state and of the family and the oppression of women as early societies became more productive, making possible the division of groups of human beings into those who produce and those who live off them, and the need of the exploiters to perpetuate this state of affairs.
The Pathfinder Press edition also has a valuable introduction by Evelyn Reed, long-time socialist activist and author of works including "Woman's Evolution," "Sexism and Science," "Cosmetics, Fashion and the Exploitation of Women," and "Problems of Women's Liberation."
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Plus there is just a delighting little preface at the beginning!
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One essay, Engels, Lukacs, and Kant's Thing in Itself, unwittingly and quite poignantly suggests the prophecy of the unstable post-Hegelian philosophic orphan spawning a dialectical tragedy that befell the whole project, in the era of Bernstein,and then Lenin.
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The book really reads like a collection of four essays.
I). From Hegel to Feuerbach: This chapter is an overview of the failure of Hegelian thought that German philosophy was so imbued with in the mid-19th century, which also serves as a kind of marker for the beginning of modern philosophy.
II). Idealism and Materialism: This chapter is Engels version of sociology and psychological anthropology. His expectation of the emergence of a pragmatic materialism parallels that of Feuerbach's. This chapter leads through the death of idealism to the birth of materialism.
III). Feuerbach's Philosophy of Religion and Ethics: As the first chapter gives us an overview of Hegel, so this third chapter outlines the successes and failures of Feuerbach's thought. We also see the emergent thrust that led to Marxism in its organic position at the time of its advent, not as the polemics of conservative, Christian historians of today have painted it.
IV). Dialectical Materialism: Finally, chapter four outlines Engels's sociological expectations in the context of the preceeding three chapters; from feudalism to the industrial modernity of his time. Not only does Engels scetch out how Christianity became the possession of the ruling class as a means of government, but how philosophy too became a tool of their hegemony. His expectation that science would eventually meld with the worker rather than commercial interests belies the naivete that saw the failure of modern Marxism. His conclusion that philosophy too would emerge victorious along with the worker is certianly puzzling in hindsight, and can still be seen in the tenacious frustrations of post-modernism over the failure of Marxism.
Feuerbach aside, this little book is an excellent read full of vitality.
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Make sure you get the second edition.
Though not a Marxist myself, I found this compilation a very comprehensive view of their thinking. It should be sufficient to anyone not seeking to write a dissertation on their thinking.
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Para quien tenga el compromiso social, es una lectura provechosa; para quienes que están enojados con la injusticia y quieren cambiar el mundo, es una lectura obligatoria.
Escrito por un par de jóvenes de menos de 30 años, da argumentos contundentes de porque no sirve el capitalismo -todos aplicables a su versión más reciente y feroz, llámese "globalización", "privatización" o cómo sea.
La semana antes de que escribo esta crítica, el presidente de México echó al presidente de Cuba de una reunión internacional de "desarrollo" por haber sacado a la luz datos como las tres personas más ricos del mundo cuentan con una riqueza que equivale a los ¡48 países! más pobres del planeta.
Este dato hace eco a mi parte favorita del Manifiesto -la segunda (sección)- donde Marx y Engels burlaron duro a la hipocresía de los burgueses. Toman los exactos argumentos con que los poderosos denunciaron a anarquistas y comunistas de la época, y los refutan mostrando que éstos son precisamente los pecados de los mismos burguesas: por ejemplo, denunciaron a los comunistas por buscar establecer una comunidad de mujeres, pero ¡es el capital que las obliga a vender sus cuerpos! Entonces son los comunistas que podemos abocar para la liberación de la mujer, no el flamante mercado libre.