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This collection brings to view much of that research, a compendium long overdue in de Waal's estimation. His team provides new insights into primate behaviour. They combine the research finding with speculations on how modern monkeys and apes reflect the evolutionary roots of our own relations with each other. The topics covered show the impact of environment, the patterns of sex and reproduction, social organization and cognition. The collection addresses the "process of hominization" leading from ape-like ancestors to modern humans. If all this sounds like a series of lofty scientific pedantry, fear not. All the authors present their information in open, conversational style. Although the result of a scholarly seminar, the writing throughout is clear and unpretentious. Anyone interested in their evolutionary roots or in the status of the research will find this collection rewarding.
The quality of this compilation makes choice of place difficult, if not impossible. Each author presents new information and delightful analyses of the importance of the findings. Craig Stanford discusses the role of meat eating [not hunting] in building social relationships. Studied closely in the field in both ape and human societies, meat distribution and sex have a clear evolutionary role. Richard Wrangham carries this theme a step further in his analysis of the social role of food preparation - cooking. He stresses how early cooking must have emerged in hominid evolution and what its likely social impact was in our development. Richard Byrne extends this analysis to describe several forms of food acquisition and processing among various primate species.
If any issue transcends the others in the role of humanity, it is that of human cognition. To those contending only human cognitive abilities are worth studying, several authors respond that "evolution does not proceed by inspired jumps . . . but by accretion of beneficial variants" over time. In order to comprehend the evolutionary path of cognition, definitions are of primary importance. Cognition is here defined as "a species' package of information-processing capabilities" encompassing individual, social, technical and other skills. Robin Dunbar shows how these skills were likely reinforced through selectively chosen group size. He examines variations in primate group size and how these impact social behavior. Charles Snowdon addresses the mainstay of human "uniqueness" in an outline of language
development. In the final essay, William McGrew considers the question of "culture." What is it and how was it derived? McGrew refers to eight criteria, developed many years ago by Alfred Koeber, and applies them in a historical context. McGrew emphasizes that humans are not the only social species. Language enhanced abilities inherited from our predecessors.
This book addresses older ideas and breaks new ground. With a strong foundation in the intensive primate studies achieved during the past three decades, the collection calls for further studies in the field. What these will bring to light will increase our knowledge of where we fit in Nature. There are assuredly many surprises remaining to be revealed. Will you help search for answers to some of these questions?
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Some have claimed that the author has advocated using the complexities of chimpanzee social structure to shed light on human politics, but, if anything, the exact opposite is true: de Waal says very little abut non-chimpanzee societies until the last chapter and, throughout the book, freely and unapologetically employs human intentions, actions, and emotions to shed light on chimp culture.
If you're prepared to cast aside any preconceived notions you may have, this book makes an enjoyable introduction to pop-sci primatology.
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The prevailing view recurrent throughout the chapters is that culture is a part of human nature (hence the circularity of the false dichotomy), and, in the mold of Lorenz, or the more popular writer Desmond Morris, De Waal does not dismiss the continuity between human and non-human animal behaviour. With regards any specific human cognitive developments, however, the evolutionary antecedents of such in the comparative literature are dealt with at a purely anecdotal level in this book (though a welcome set of notes and references provide some direction for those interested to check out some primary sources).
Of interest perhaps to those wanting to better understand human sexual behaviour (and its variations), De Waal includes an informative chapter concerning the bonobo chimpanzee 'kamasutra primates'. These are presented as a highly sociosexual species for reasons other than providing solely a male territorial imperative. Distinct from his earlier 'Chimpanzee Politics', De Waal's commentary here is consistent with his more recent ideas concerning reconciliation behaviour and social bonding via mutual sex in both single and mixed pairs/groups of apes. Citing the prudishness of (especially American) humans in preventing this story being more widely known (and well told in this volume, Ch.3), this bonobo chimpanzee behaviour is put forward as the most likely contender for mis-anthropomorphism since that of their chimpanzee cousin Pan troglodites' following discussions provoked by Darwin's 'Origin of Species'.
The rather puzzling reference to sushi in the title can be explained by the inclusion of two interwoven themes appearing throughout the volume. The first is De Waal's championing the contribution of the pioneering work of Japanese primatologists in semi-naturalistic ape colonisation studies (e.g., the longitudinal studies which claimed the cultural transmission of potato washing). The second is reference to the strict training regime of the Japanese Sushi chef, who undergoes upwards of three years of observational learning from a sushi Master Chef (human cultural transmission of fish dressing) prior to their exercising any of the skills required. Both these sets of findings (the former especially enjoyable to read from this book) bear upon another pair of terms of contention, 'learning and instinct', but less is explicitly made of this old bone here than demands comment in review. Perhaps a comment should be made here, however, with regards De Waal's claim for the existence of non-food related contingency rewards in Ch. 6. Although the evidence remains in a sense anecdotal, and without denying behaviours as being otherwise goal-directed, De Waal suggests that social learning is 'socially motivated'. The claim here is that 'social orientation feeds mimicry', and for reinforcement (reward contingency), the rewards are thus simply those of social conformism (and the benefits such acceptance and 'fitting in' can provide). Perhaps an extention of 'chimpanzee Politics' after all ?
Although I really liked De Waal's discussions of (actually attacks upon) naive cultural anthropomorphism, I look forward to seeing whether his term to describe the converse condition of being in 'anthropodenial' gains currency in the future. De Waal does make the occasional unwarranted claim himself, however, concerning the mentation and attributions of his non-human animal subjects. For example, we read that "[animals]... have only a vague understanding of what others are doing" (p.19) and, "We [humans] are the only animals with the concept of paternity as a basis for fatherhood" (p.73). The dangers of pursuing the types of research questions being adressed here and the need for a more empirical approach to their study are clearly evident in the production of these kinds of statements. But that is not to say that it cannot be achieved. An understanding of group dynamics should always consider the dynamics of its individual constituents, and it will always be important for us to distinguish between what a given animal DOES, from what it might be capable of thinking and knowing. In this sense, the apprentice sushi chef should certainly know a lot more than our observation of his/her overt behaviour might lead us to believe.
De Waal wants to make culture away from being a human-centric concept. Such, he uses stories from the world of monkies to make his point: animals have group-learned concepts and ways of doing things that differ from independant populations (I wish I could say this more eloquently....) He can flat out write.
Buy this book. Read this book.
De Waal challenges the dominant view among Western researchers that animal studies must be done from a detached view. He stresses the distinction between "anthropocentrism" and "anthropomorphism." The former sharply divides humans from the remainder of the animal kingdom, holding "culture" as a unique human artefact. The second, properly applied, enables us to view all the animal kingdom in a broader scale. De Waal cites the long history of Japanese primate research and more recent Western efforts as examples of the difference. The Eastern world integrates animals within its cultures while the Western view is humanity has been given "dominion" over them. In a practical sense, this outlook gave the Japanese a head start in primate research. They consider each individual in chimpanzee troops, where Westerners only perceive the group as an entity.
As de Waal escorts us through the last half-century of primate research, he assess the contributions of each of the major figures in the field. Lorenz, Tinbergen, Desmond Morris from the West are contrasted with their Eastern counterparts. Of particular importance is Japan's Imanishi Kinji a towering figure in primatology, almost unknown here. Imanishi's outlook was a near refutation of Darwin's natural selection. Imanishi rejected the idea that animal behaviour is genetically driven and began the redefinition of "culture" based on his studies of primates. With "culture's" many restraints cast away, Japanese researchers could perceive behaviour little noted in the West.
Some of de Waal's examples are breathtaking. Animal art occupies a chapter, dominated by examples of chimpanzee attitudes while they work. Dedicated attention, care in application and possessive attitudes lead to paintings equal to Pollock's and applauded by Picasso. Pigeons turn away from Schoenberg [and who can blame them] in favour of Bach. From the obverse angle, the number of human composers who have relied on birds and other animals for inspiration range from Mozart down. The message is clear: "culture" is an aspect of the entire animal kingdom. We are but a part of a universal condition.
It's de Waal's message about animal learning that tumbles the final barricade between humans and their kin. The title of this book is derived from apprentice sushi chefs spending years merely observing a master until they can demonstrate their own abilities. In a similar manner, our ape cousins learn by watching and imitating. The young may be better at learning than the old. One community may develop new habits unseen elsewhere. Later practitioners may add improvements to style and technique. Learning, however, is not limited to "wise man." It's a trait that may be applied to any species with sufficient intellect and dexterity to demonstrate it.
De Waal's presentation challenges the entire scholarship of thinking about evolution. He will not accept the "traditional" view of human uniqueness in culture or learning capacity. Nor does he accept the more recent "selfish gene" thesis of innate adaptation traits. His balanced view will force many to rethink their ideas to arrive at a new synthesis of human and animal behaviour patterns. The book is a clear assertion that much research remains to be undertaken in improving our understanding of where evolution has led us. A provocative, thought stimulating book, yet highly readable, makes this effort worthy of the accolades it has received.
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Despite the fact that the topic is fascinating, I find that De Waal is generally a poor writer. The message is lost on run-on sentences and chapters that seem to go on for ever.
I liked the pictures, though.
The black and white pictures illustrate his points, but they are by no means the highlight of this book. De Waal's insights, which never read too much into specific behaviors, walk the fine line between objective scientific reporting and an acknowledgment of the kinship between all primates. Seeing primates through his expert eyes is an enlightening experience.
This is truly an extraordinary book. I recommend it to readers who have a keen interest in primatology, sociology, and/or the kinship between humans and other species.
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