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The Canterbury Tales revolve around a group of 29 on a pilgrimage to Canterbury Cathedral to pay homage to the martyred St. Thomas a'Becket. The members of the pilgrimage come from all walks of life, including a Knight, Prioress, Merchant, Miller, the ever-entertaining Wife of Bath, and many others. The Canterbury Tales are the pilgrims' stories and each one reflects the individual character's personality beautifully. One can't help but feel a part of this lively group.
Whether you like a bawdy, raucous tale or a morally sound fable you will definitely find something entertaining in this book. I laughed out loud several times and found Chaucer's use of symbolism, wit, wisdom, and the glimpse into 14th Century life absolutely fascinating.
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The Peloponnesian War 431-404 BC begins with a short introduction, a chronology, a section on the background to the war (the rise of Athens and the First Peloponnesian War), a section on the warring sides, and how the war began. The actual narrative of the war is 29 pages long. Final sections include portrait of a soldier (an Athenian ship captain), politics and culture (democracy and oligarchy in Greece, the role of Persia, and the importance of Athenian art and culture), portrait of a civilian (the Athenian wife of Alcibiades), how the war ended, and conclusions. There are a total of seven maps supporting the text: Athens, a strategic map of Greece, the Battle of Mantinea, Sicily, the Siege of Syracuse, the Battle of Arginousai and the eastern Aegean. Unfortunately, the maps are one of the most disappointing aspects of this volume. The strategic map of Greece is less detailed than the sketch map provided in Penguin translations of Thucydides. The map depicting the Siege of Syracuse is particularly poor since it shows neither dispositions nor key events. A map depicting the key action at Phylos-Sphacteria should have been included.
One of the few areas that the author emphasizes that is not apparent in reading the original Thucydides is the tremendous manpower constraints of Sparta. According to Dr. de Souza, Sparta only had about 5-10,000 full citizens capable of bearing arms. Given this limited manpower pool and the constant threat of slave rebellions in Sparta, the Spartans were extremely reluctant to commit large numbers of troops far from home. Instead, the Spartans tended to fight the war as much as possible using allies and mercenaries, often lead by a few capable Spartan officers. When the Spartans were able to capture about 200 Spartans during the Pylos-Spachteria affair, this tiny loss of personnel brought mighty Sparta to the negotiating table. While Athens started the war with about 40,000 able-bodied male citizens, it is estimated that about one-third died or were incapacitated due to the plague that struck the city in the second year of the war. Thus, both sides fought the war under manpower constraints that tended to get worse over time.
Dr. de Souza also makes an interesting point about the flimsiness of Sparta's motives in the war and its involvement with the former common enemy, Persia. The author notes that, "in spite of their repeated claims to be fighting in order to liberate the Greeks, the Spartans negotiated a series of treaties with the representatives of King Dareios [of Persia] in which they agreed that those territories in Asia Minor which had formerly been under Persian domination should revert to his control. This included many Greek cities that had joined the Delian League under Athenian leadership in 478 and were now looking to Sparta to free them from Athenian domination." Instead, Sparta was ready to hand over its newfound allies to Persian tyranny in return for financial aid. After the war ended in the defeat of Athens, it was the Persian Empire that enforced the peace, "thus the freedom of the Greeks, that had been the rallying cry at the start of the Peloponnesian War, was guaranteed not by the Spartans, but by the Persian King."
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In a series of books beginning with 'The Teachings of Don Juan, A Yaqui Way of Knowledge' Castaneda presents what he claims are factual interviews with a Yaqui shaman in northern Mexico. The first book recounts Castaneda's inculcation into Yaqui shamanism through a peyote ceremony. The later books downplay the hallucinogenic aspect and present a sort of fantastic mystic existentialism.
de Mille and his contributors assert that the accounts are fabulations. Other accounts of Yaqui shamanism are quite different. Environmental conditions and animal behaviour described are inconsistent with existing conditions in the Sonoran desert. Yaqui use of hallucinogens is asserted to differ from that described by Castaneda. Finally, some critics suggest that the author is a poor stylist.
de Mille discusses Castaneda's academic milieu and possible influences upon the spiritual ideas he presents. While it is plain that de Mille (and most of his contributors) have their minds made up much of the material presented should be of interest even to Castaneda's many fans.
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