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There is nothing to admire about secterian murder in Northern Ireland and reading this book it becomes quite clear that- Unlike consuming large amounts of alcohol- politics and religion did NOT play a big part in The Butchers lives , it was only an excuse to torture , mutilate and murder people who were in the wrong place at the wrong time. Courage also had no place in The Butchers lives , wait till you read about hardman William Moore trying to blame his accomplances for the murders.
My only complaint is that my edition is from 1990 and I`ve no idea if the author is planning to do a revised book. THE SHANKHILL BUTCHERS` possibly needs to be updated : Can the likes of Mr A , Mr B , etc now be named ? What happened to the likes of Moore after their release under the Good Friday agreement ? How are The Butchers regarded by people in Belfast nowadays ? As a footnote Robert " Basher " Bates was executed by the Ulster Freedom Fighters in the Summer of 1997
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The most unusual aspect of the book were interviews he conducted with Catholic Priests, and the role they are at times forced, at gunpoint, under threat of death, to perform. There will be a knock at the door; they will then be taken to a victim who has usually been brutalized, and then given a few minutes to hear the man's final words prior to his being executed. Add to this that there are times the victims are members of the Priest's Church, and you have both a personal and an ecclesiastical torture for these Priests. Ministers of the Protestant Faith, who attempt to bring sanity to these conflicts, are relocated out of Ireland to stop their interference and protect their safety.
On the other end of the spectrum there are clergy on both sides whose conduct disqualifies them from their roles as representatives of the Church, and places them in the same column as the terrorists they support/protect.
When the results of violence are shown in the news, the tendency is often to dehumanize the individuals who perpetrate such violence. Mr. Dillon shows that on either side of the conflict there are those that are truly depraved, they are killers, and lovers of violence that would conduct themselves as they do despite their location.
He also interviews men and woman who are extremely articulate, who know exactly what they do and why. They do not just spout partisan rhetoric. It was through these interviews I gained a better understanding of the motivation of some of the people involved. The problems that face Ireland are much more complex than the news commentators would have you believe. The conflict is not just about religion, despite the slogan of "For God And Ulster". And there are not 2 groups that oppose one another, but factions within factions, often at odds with those who would appear to be on the same side. There are even groups assembled entirely of women, that I had never read of before.
One book cannot explain the incredibly complex issues that catalyze and nurture the violence in Ireland. Mr. Dillon does do are remarkably good job in a relatively brief book that gives the reader a good grounding in the issues, the combatants and their complaints. I came away from this book understanding that if nothing else, the conflict is infinitely more complex than usually portrayed, and that there are many groups portrayed as fighting on the same side, when in fact they have as much affection for one another as they do for their alleged common enemy.
The military forces are not exempt for behavior that is appalling to any true military unit's functioning, and the complicity of those that sanction their behavior is repulsive as well. The book will not answer every question you may have; it will give you a great deal of information that may lead you to further study of the topic.
A very well written investigative book, by a man who literally put his life at risk to bring this work, and others he has done to readers.
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A society which employs Certified Public Accountants presupposes that people will be able to keep track of certain things, certainly money, for sure, and who people are, though this book finds a certain glory in how easy it is to fool official guardians of the identity assumptions with simple tricks. Obviously, this works best at places like Numec, a company specializing in reprocessing nuclear waste, in Apollo, Pennsylvania. Anybody ought to be able to figure out how likely it is that the following events, prior to December 1982, but reported as background information, might have actually occurred:
His two companions were described on their cards as scientists from `The Department of Electronics, University of Tel Aviv, Israel'.
There was no such department.
The men were LAKAM security officers whose task would be to see the best way of stealing fissionable waste from Numec. All three spent four days in Apollo, passing many hours touring the Numec plant, sitting for more hours in Shapiro's office. What they spoke about would remain a secret. On the fifth day Eitan and his companions left Apollo as unobstrusively as they had arrived.
A month later the first of nine shipments of containers of nuclear waste left Numec. Each container would bear the words: `Property of the State of Israel: Ministry of Agriculture'. The containers would carry a stencil stating they had full diplomatic clearance and so were exempt from customs checks before they were stowed on board El Al cargo freighters to Tel Aviv.
The containers were destined for Dimona, Israel's nuclear facility in the Negev Desert. (pp. 55-56)
One way to be a Mogul, buying companies close to bankruptcy and investing enough to turn them into successes, is described in this book as just the starting point for how "Robert Maxwell was the Barnum and Bailey of the financial world, the great stock market ringmaster able to introduce with consummate speed and a crack of his whip some new and even more startling financial act. But increasingly his high-wire actions had become more dangerous - and long ago he had abandoned any idea of a safety net." (p. 34). Maxwell's arrangements with Vladimir Kryuchkov, head of the Soviet KGB, who had been involved in the August plot to oust Mikhail Gorbachev from office, made certain bankers insecure enough to want Maxwell to pay some of their loans. Maxwell thought 400 million pounds might be enough "to stave off his more pressing creditors. He asked Mossad to use its influence with Israel's banker's to arrange a loan. He was told to try to do what his fellow tycoon, Rupert Murdoch, had done when he had faced a similar situation. Murdoch had confessed his plight to his bankers and then renegotiated his debts, which were almost twice what Maxwell owed." (pp. 13-14). Actually, Maxwell must have owed far more than he told the Mossad. A Daily Mirror headline in the photographs section, after the "Maxwell Dies at Sea" picture, reported, "Maxwell: 536m pounds is missing from his firms/ The increasingly desperate actions of a desperate man."
Assuming that much, the rest of the book is written around questions raised by Efraim.
`If the truth about Robert Maxwell surfaces and he is destroyed in the process, who else will be compromised? How great will the damage be to Israel?' (p. 15).
Americans might be interested in this book for judging the current chances for success of American policies that seem to parallel the desperation of Robert Maxwell, but might cause Bill Casey even greater pain, if he were still in charge.
This book is anything but boring--calling this book boring strikes me as a desperate subterfuge by someone who want to keep its explosive contents from fuller circulation. This book is *fascinating* and explosive, not least because of the very well documented coverage it provides of how Israel's intelligence service, the Mossad, used Robert Maxwell to penetrate not just the U.S. government, including the Department of Justice, the military, and the national laboratories, but many foreign governments including the Chinese, Canadians, Australians, and many others, with substantial penetration of their intelligence service databases, all through his sale of a software called PROMIS that had a back door enabling the Mossad to access everything it touched (in simplistic terms).
Also shocking, at least to me, was the extensive detail in this book about how the Israeli intelligence service is able to mobilize Jews everywhere as "sayanim," volunteer helpers who carry out operational (that is to say, clandestine) support tasks to include spying on their government and business employers, stealing documents, operating safehouses, making pretext calls, and so on. I am a simple person: if you are a Jew and a US citizen, and you do this for the Israeli intelligence service, then you are a traitor, plain and simple. This practice is evidently world-wide, but especially strong in the US and the UK.
The book draws heavily on just a couple of former Israeli intelligence specialists to address Israeli use of assassination as a normal technique (and implicitly raises the possibility that it was used against Senator John Tower, who died in small airplane crash and was the primary "agent" for Maxwell and Israel in getting PROMIS installed for millions of dollars in fees all over the US Government).
Finally, the book has a great deal of detail about the interplay between governments, crime families, Goldman Sachs and other major investors, and independent operators like Robert Maxwell who play fast and loose with their employee pension funds.
This book is not boring. Far from it. It is shocking, and if it is only half-right and half-accurate, that is more than enough to warrant its being read by every American, whatever their faith.
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