Just finished reading this book. Although it is obvioulsy written from Yeltsin's point of view, and he thinks quiet well of himself, it is nevertheless extremely interesting to understand some of the inner workings of the USSR government.

The politics are rough and tumble, and not without some intrique.

I would definetly recommend this to any one who has the remotest interest in this field.

When Boris Yeltsin stepped down as president of Russia a few weeks ago, it caught me by surprise. Despite his growing unpopularity, I had expected Yeltsin to hang on until the end of his term. My reason for doing so is my understanding of his character as revealed in Against the Grain. Since it is an autobioagraphy, one would expect Yeltsin to present himself in the best possible light, and certainly some of his problems (like his drinking) are dealt with "once over lightly." Still, this work will definitely enable the reader to understand Yeltsin, at least as he wants to present himself to the West. (Which, in turn, will help readers to understand why the West has been so supportive through Yeltsin's somewhat erratic administration.)

Although this book is quite limited in it's perspective, it does offer both candid and posed tips on modern Russian culture. Mr. Yeltsin's copious jottings reveal his personal taste for style and political power. The writings also reveal some of the cultural challenges that plague the Russian people such as; peer presure among adults for consumption of vodka and the need for modern business people to find a moral code that will promote sound national and international business practices. The extensive political reporting which Mr. Yeltsin has voiced would indicate that Russian self-government is still in the developing stages and has many hurtles to pass. However the outlook is hopeful and not blindly so. One leaves the text wondering how we might come to learn more of President Putin's own style of politics. An interesting read for anyone studying modern Russian culture, this book is by no means an authoratative overview on the culture.

Yeltsin's memoirs are without doubt interesting and necessary source for everybody who's looking to understand what really has happened in Russia during 90s. But unfortunately this is only half or even less of that what Yeltsin really could tell us. First of all, this is not of course Yeltsin who has written this book. Real authors are Valentin Yumashev, who is also author of Yeltsin's previous memoirs, and Tatyana Dyatchenko, Yeltsin's daugther. Reading this book you could find almost in every chapter how authors had tried to save Yeltsin's face for history. They succeeded if reader is not well informed about Russia. But for them who have lived this through, Yeltsin's book is too one-sided and not really trustful piece.

No wonder that this book attracted such negative reaction from 'experts' in Russian politics. What seemed almost to everyone as illogical, bizarre behavior of a senile tsar suddenly becomes clear, simple and logical. Yeltsin describes day by day his struggle for power since he started his presidential race with support of only 3% of popular support. As one reads the book it becomes evident that Yeltsin always had a very clear and realistic picture of what was happening around him. He could let people believe that he was too sick and weak to rule, watched who, how and when tried to get the power. Like a good hunter Yeltsin stoke deadly blows on his foes when they truely believed he was under their control. Yeltsin analyzes the situation, decides who's his friend or foe, plans his actions and acts without remorse. The book reads like a novel that unfolds the secrets of Russian under carpet bulldogs fighting.

This is a whitewash from beginning to end. Nobody who knows contemporary Russia could endure it. Therefore, Aron must be addressing an audience deeply ignorant of Russia. Who else would stand for a biography of Yeltsin which in 750 pages makes only four brief references to Boris Berezovskiy? Writing a Yeltsin biography without including Berezovskiy is like writing the Life of Pinocchio without mentioning the carpenter!

Yet Aron expects to get away with it--and based on the reviews of this book, he will succeed. The New York Times has termed Aron's book "a fine, full-blooded portrait of Yeltsin." With the help of ignorant blurbs like that one, Aron's target readers will end up believing that Yeltsin and his friends were doing God's work, or at least Adam Smith's--rather than divvying up the plunder of a fallen empire while its stunned, exhausted people were too weak to resist.

None of the great scandals of Yeltsin's reign are mentioned, let alone explained. Where's the Loans-for-Shares scheme, possibly the biggest single act of embezzlement of the twentieth century? Aron has such contempt for his readers that rather than come up with an alibi for Yeltsin, he never so much as mentions the whole sleazy deal. In fact, Aron has so little respect for his readers that he actually attempts to tell them that the oligarchs are a myth:

"...The secrecy in which the Russian robber barons cloaked their dealings resulted in a vast exaggeration of their wealth and power both by the Moscow rumour mill and by the resident correspondents of Western newspapers and television networks..."

Having assured his readers that Yeltsin's accomplices are mythical beasts, he goes on to deny, without elaboration, some well-proven charges against Yeltsin:

"...equally bizarre [is] the 'theory' that explained Yeltsin's dependence on the oligarchs by the gifts which they showered on his family--as if the President of Russia, should he decide to do so, needed intermediaries in raiding the country's treasury."

What's so "bizarre" about that "theory"? "Intermediaries in raiding the country's treasury" is, if anything, a mild description of people like Berezovskiy and Chubais, who may well be remembered as the greatest thieves in the history of the world. Yeltsin's job was to present a "democratic" face to the West while the robbery was being carried out, not to heft the sacks of cash out to the car by himself. (He's not in that kind of condition.) That's not a "bizarre theory"; that's simple division of labour.

But the sleaziest move of all is Aron's slander of every Russian who objected to Yeltsin's regime. Aron, trusting once more that his audience is totally ignorant of Russia, dares to assert that all those who opposed Yeltsin were anti-Semitic fascists. In other words, Russians who objected to seeing their jobs, their savings, their country whisked away were no more than Jew-baiting racists. What to do, then, with a man like Yavlinsky, the half-Jewish leader of the only truly democratic anti-corruption party in the Duma? Aron, whose tolerance extends to monsters like Chubais, loses control whenever he's forced to mention Yavlinsky's name. In Aron's grovelling tale of the Yeltsinschina, Yavlinsky--virtually the only uncorrupted politician in contemporary Russia--becomes a villian.

Goebbels would be proud to have written this book. Aron was no doubt well paid to string together so many pages without a glimmer of truth. And judging by the response of the American press, it was money well spent.

This is an important book, which helps to set the record straight on Yeltsin. It isn't entirely convincing though.

Stylistically it is fairly readable, though it is probably longer than it needs to be, and a bit heavy-going at times. As you might expect, it is not as readable as some of the journalistic accounts of Yeltsin's Russia. Aron relies a lot on formal sources like Yeltsin's speeches. Although he did go so far as to hunt down and interview some of Yeltsin's old acquaintances in Sverdlovsk, the same kind of intimacy with insiders is lacking later in the book.

One peculiarity of the book is the amount of space devoted to Yeltsin's career before he became president. This is both its strength and its weakness. Aron does a convincing job of showing that Yeltsin was no bumbling alcoholic, but a first-class manager and an astute analyst of Communism's failure. He rose to power because he was the quickest to recognise the irredeemable failure of the Soviet system which Gorbachev was trying to fix. Aron accurately depicts the Soviet economic collapse - something which gets almost forgotten today, when everyone wants to blame Russia's economic problems on Yeltsin.

Unlike the yes-men which the Communist hierarchy bred in droves, Yeltsin also had remarkable political courage. He showed this on several key occasions, most notably during the coup of 1991. Yeltsin correctly foresaw that the coup would fail, at a time when this was far from obvious to everyone else.

While the analysis of Yeltsin's early career is welcome, it could have been trimmed down. It seems a bit eccentric to devote less than a third of the book to Yeltsin's presidency (with only a single chapter on Yeltsin's second term). This compares with an entire chapter on a trip Yeltsin made to the US in the 1980s, for example.

The account of Yeltsin's presidency also makes some important points. Yeltsin's main political opponents were indeed a pretty unsavoury bunch, and not misunderstood social democrats. Yeltsin did launch real and necessary economic reforms - another act of political courage. Under Yeltsin, Russians have indeed become freer than at any previous time in their history.

But Russia isn't entirely democratic either. Aron skirts around some more unpleasant aspects of Yeltsin's rule. While he is surely right that there were many objective reasons why Russians voted for Yeltsin in 1996, several Yeltsin advisers have admitted that the elections would have been cancelled if Yeltsin had believed that he was going to lose. Fraudulent privatisations are mentioned, but they don't get much analysis. Sometimes we find that other inconvenient facts (like allegations of vote-rigging) are confined to footnotes.

As well as the bold (but rather intermittent) reformer, there was also another Yeltsin: the ex-Soviet apparatchik with his bevy of unpleasant cronies. This Yeltsin does crop up in Aron's autobiography, particularly in the second half of his first term. Aron is quite forthright in his condemnation of the Chechen war, for instance. But he regards this Yeltsin as a kind of temporary abberration.

The trouble is that this Yeltsin actually had a habit of recurring. The book ends rather abruptly with the appointment of the Primakov government in 1998, but extending the story to 2000 would probably not help Aron's rehabilitation of Yeltsin. The last year of Yeltsin's presidency was dominated by sordid corruption scandals, a new war in Chechnya, and an unceremonious struggle for succession.

All the same, the appointment of Putin looks a lot smarter than it did at the time (something which can be said about several of Yeltsin's mercurial hirings and firings). And with the political stability that Putin has provided, the economic reforms of the 1990s now seem to be bearing fruit. Despite fears over Putin's authoritarian tendencies, the democratic achievements of the 1990s also seem pretty secure.

A case can be made for saying that despite all the scandals, Yeltsin was guided in many key decisions by a consistent vision of a reformed and democratic Russia. This is essentially the case that Aron makes. Not everyone will be convinced, but Yeltsin probably deserves more credit than most people are inclined to give him these days.

The timing of this thorough, scholarly journey through the life of one of the twentieth century's true world historical figures is unfortunate. Released in mid 1999, it misses the final, and decidedly pivotal, story of Boris Yeltsin's last months in power, when he finally identified a worthy successor to carry the standard for free markets, democratic process, and rule of law in the erstwhile authoritarian Russian state. After gamely ushering the reader through the (almost literally)heart-stopping crises and byzantine political intrigues of Yeltin's career, the book ends with the ailing president mired in the financial debacle of 1998, running out of time and options, and forced to play ball with his reactionary Prime Minister. Luckily we all know how the story played out in the end, with Yeltsin's dramatic New Year's resignation and the ascension of Vladimir Putin to the presidency. As the reader comes to know Yeltsin in the course of this book, the scope of his political genius and daring reveals itself so plainly and effectively that this reader yearned to know something about why Putin impressed him to the point of bequeathing his legacy to him. Nonetheless, as a work of history rather than political evaluation, "Yeltsin: A Revolutionary Life", succeeds broadly in demonstrating the varied levels of its subject's titanic efforts to transform a near-death society into something which may well one day become a great nation. Yeltsin's successes unfold on three levels. The first, and most central to the book, is the defeat and dismantling of the inhuman Stalinist Soviet society which had strangled Russia for sixty years or more. This astounding victory set the stage for Yeltsin's assumption of the presidency, after full and free elections, and the various political victories he achieved over the course of his two terms in office. Finally, and probably most importantly for Russia and the rest of the world, Yeltsin began an irreversible process in this country for the first time in its history: a drive toward private property, free prices, and enterprise which began the nation's slow march into the community of liberal-minded societies. The book does a fine job of demonstrating the ruthless personal drive which propelled Yeltsin to greatness. From his early days in the semi-Siberian city of Sverdlosk, when he blew two fingers off his left hand while stealing munitions from a factory on a dare from some teenage friends, the author paints a vivid portrait of a budding iconoclast. This reader yearned for more about these formative years, but the thinness here is understandable, given the opaque nature of Soviet style historical documentation. The inner workings of the communist maze confounded Yeltsin as much as is does the reader--it's a truly incomprehensible system, and makes for slow going sometimes as we follow Yeltsin on his journey of discovery. It becomes exciting as his speeches start to reflect his sense of the waste and obscene inhumanity of the entire system. This reader was looking for that pivotal moment, though, that one or two unique events which crystallized Yeltsin's thinking and made him realize his destiny. Sadly, those moments are buried as effectively as the system Yeltsin brought down. This book gives us a great record of the "how" of what happened, but only hints helplessly at the "why". All in all, it's an ambitious read, but an informative and thoroughly competent one. In a way, it makes sense to leave Yeltsin at the end struggling and fighting away against his physical and political decline. This is the milieu in which he clearly thrived. Overall victory seemed to soften him. So, in order to get a sense of the real man, perhaps we have to forgo the happy ending.

While the book was very informative, it was hard to follow. The authors seemed to jump from one topic to another. Also they would discuss topics like perestroika without explaining them at all. In another instance, a speech Yeltsin gave was discussed but the topic of the speech was never revealed. Despite these downfalls, the biography was very informative and covered all of Yelstin's life, from childhood to becoming the President.