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He begins his introduction by pointing out that citizens groups, defined to be 'lobbyists who mobilize members, donors, and activists around interests other than their own vocation or profession,' are now the engine powering the progressive cause. He wastes no time before explaining the special relationships these groups build with legislators, regulators, and members of the media. He cites the role of the National Resources Defense Council in the Alar scare of 1989 as an obvious example of how easily these groups can influence television reporters and, more importantly, public opinion.
In discussing the impressive ability of citizens groups to obtain slots at congressional hearings, Berry focuses on their long-term efforts to demand hearings in the first place. It is logical to expect analysts who succeed in obtaining hearings to be among the individuals asked to testify. In addition, he cites the decentralization of authority within the Congress itself and the proliferation of congressional subcommittees as a means through which citizens groups can shop around their policy proposals to find sympathetic ears and, thus, congressional audiences. Most importantly, he states that there is nothing magic about the tactics they employ to exert influence.
Berry claims that environmentalists are the most powerful members of the citizens groups' coalition. He documents how environmental organizations were able to crush ten of the twelve major environmental initiatives undertaken by the 104th Congress in 1995. As a stunning example of their ability to influence the media, he points out that ABC's prime-time coverage of the Republican proposal to limit environmental takings contained a critique of the bill by a Sierra Club analyst, but did not feature a rebuttal from Republicans or market-based organizations. In addition, he cites the difficulties encountered by representatives of businesses when they must respond to accusations from environmental groups and explain complex statistical concepts to the media in terms that members of the public can understand.
While discussing reasons why members of Congress fear environmental groups, he points out that their enormous memberships can force legislators to dilute their concerns about the harm that most environmental legislation inflicts on job creation. In citing Mancur Olson's theory of interest group dynamics, he claims that environmental groups overcome the selective benefits requirement for group formation by identifying and recruiting individual members who feel strongly about their desires for stringent regulations. Therefore, to an extent, environmental groups depend on a public education system that serves as an outlet through which they can further promote their viewpoints and recruit new members.
Berry concludes his work by demonstrating an impressive understanding of why market-based organizations encounter so much difficulty when combating environmentalists. In his scalding analysis, he emphasizes the cash-starved status of many free-market groups and the need for more focused policy research.
While Berry does not hit every ball out of the park, (his characterization of advocacy-oriented think-tanks as mere corporate fronts lacking a firm philosophical foundation is shallow and vindictive at best), he does an outstanding job explaining how the progressive movement has evolved to reclaim its dominance of Washington. Individuals interested in understanding the dynamics of this new generation of progressive organizations should pay close attention to his analysis.
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