Fue necesario unir los campesinos y trabajadores -los víctimas del capitalismo- para llevar a cabo la revolución democrática en el país de Sudáfrica, en contra de los mismos capitalistas. Y no sólo fue una clase capitalista en su país, sino un imperialismo que extraía ganancias de muchos países del sur y centro de su continente.

Parece irónico, pero así es el dilema del capitalismo en su fase imperialista actual. Sudáfrica era uno de los últimos ejemplos de lo que Lenín explicaba a principios del siglo XX en relación de los países sometidos al capitalismo (Imperialismo: la fase superior del capitalismo). Habiendo consumido su período revolucionario con la Guerra Civil de los Estados Unidos, de 1865 en adelante la burguesía ya no es capaz de ofrecer el liderazgo para ninguna revolución democrática en ningún rincón del mundo. Únicamente los campesinos y trabajadores pueden instalar las leyes de igualdad, con la burguesía esperando impaciente de regresar del margen para tomar el poder una vez consumidas las necesidades democráticas.

Con Nelson Mandela de frente, el Congreso Nacional Africano impuso los mínimos de igualdad, y así acabó con un imperio pequeño pero tan brutal como el de Israel hoy en día. Sudáfrica sigue capitalista, pero ya no tiene segregación para extraer súper-ganancias.

The main article in this collection, "The Coming Revolution in South Africa," by Jack Barnes, came out in the mid-1980s. The analysis presented was important as a guide to action for all those involved in the struggle to rid the world of the hated apartheid system in South Africa.

Apartheid was a system that strangled normal capitalist development. A regime that resembled fascism, it treated the mass of the workers and farmers almost as slaves. Instead of a ruling capitalist class pitted against a working class (which is to be expected as a result of normal capitalist development), the apartheid system divided society into a white caste and a non-white caste, with Blacks, the majority of the population, stripped of nearly all democratic rights. The wealthy white elite fought to preserve apartheid because it secured their control over the Black majority, and thus magnified profit rates. But this form of control created explosive social pressures.

In order to advance toward socialism, the working people in South Africa first had to destroy the apartheid structure and allow the pressures of capitalist development to emerge into the open. With the chains of apartheid broken, the masses of working people could then come to grips with a real capitalist system as such.

The 1994 election which brought the African National Congress to power culminated a process of revolutionary change that was critical to all further development in South Africa and its neighboring countries. It opened the door to a new period of class struggle, preparing the workers in South Africa to participate, on an equal footing with workers in all countries, to build a new world free of capitalist war and depression.

Though published in 1985, nine years before the victory of the African National Congress against Apartheid, the main article in this book-length magazine Jack Barnes's "The Coming Revolution in South Africa," forecasts the way forward for the democratic revolution in South Africa and shows how the roots of a future socialist revolution in South Africa flow out of that struggle. Barnes, the national secretary of the Socialist Workers Party, explains why the democratic tasks of national liberation and unification advanced by the ANC and its allies were the correct way forward for the peoples of South Africa. With examples from the policies of Lenin and the Russian Bolsheviks and the Cuba and Nicaraguan revolutions, Barnes takes on sectarians who attacked the ANC because it did not have an explicitly anticapitalist program. Along with Barnes' speech, this issue contains "The Freedom Charter"--the political program the ANC advanced in the antiapartheid struggle -- "The Future Belongs to US" a Speech by ANC leader Oliver Tambo, a speech by Fidel Castro explaining why and how Cuba supported the freedom struggle in Angola, and a summary of the then latest stages in the South African struggle by Ernest Harsch.

It is family farmers, not Big agri-Business, that produces most of the food and fiber grown and raised in this country.The superrich that own the banks, fertlizer and seed corporations, etc. that exploit small farmers also own the Democrat and Republican politicians that don't even claim to care a fig about small farmers til election time.Their hog superfarms, for just one example, are monuments to capitalist greed, stupidity, and pollution of everything they touch.This book explains that working people in city and country, in our unions and in fighting farmers organizations-like today's National Black Farmers and Agriculturalists' Association-have got to unite and fight our common enemy and take government power out of the capitalists' hands.The authors also explain we must identify and unite with our friends around the world, like Malcolm X taught--other workers and farmers just like us-- against our enemy in the world: imperialism,in the first place the Yanqui-U.S. Empire.As we enter the new Great Depression and face the continual string of U.S, wars against OUR people, the working people, around the world that go along with, this book's use of the lessons of Cuba's land reform, with speeches by Fidel Castro, could not be more timely.As timely is the 1985 document adopted by the Socialist Workers Party, which explains how the experience of being industrial workers, unionists, and fighters for our class as a whole , after a long absence from those unions, led to that party's call for a workers and farmers government as its most important campaigning slogan and goal.The resolution also explains why the middle-class groups calling themselves "The Left" in this country were/are only pushing for band-aids to cover the abcesses of the system.Must reading for today's and tommorow's fighters for fundamental social change.

"The Fight for a Workers' and Farmers' Government in the U.S." is a key article in this collection. It is based on the fact that farmers who hire no labor but work their own land have common interests with workers. Both are exploited by giant agribusinesses and are in debt slavery to the capitalist banks.

In this article, Jack Barnes presents a convincing argument for the correctness of the strategy of the Socialist Workers Party to "educate and organize the working class to establish a workers' and farmers' government that will abolish capitalism in the United States and join in the world-wide struggle for socialism."

The big battles between farmers and banks, farmers and agribusiness that opened in the late 1970s and early 1980s helped the Socialists Workers Party reconsider the decisive role of farmers and their struggle to the struggle for Socialism in America, and indeed the world.
Two articles in this issue of the New International from 1985 record this new understanding. "Forging a Fighting Worker-Farmer Alliance" by Doug Jenness analyzes how farmers are exploited by big business, how they have begun to fight back, and how workers need to join and support their struggle. "The Workers' and Farmers' Government in the United States" by SWP National Secretary Jack Barnes, is a speech changing the SWP's constitution to call for a workers and farmers government in this country. Barnes' speech in particular integrates the experiences of the Cuban, Nicaraguan and Grenadian revolutions on the common fight of workers and exploited farmers with the battles workers and farmers face in the USA.
Added to these two speeches are two speeches on the alliance between workers and farmers in Cuba by Fidel Castro and a resolution on "The Agrarian Question and Relations to the Peasantry," a resolution adopted by the Cuba Communist Party in 1975.
Along with these articles on the alliance between workers and farmers, this issue contains "Revolutionary Per4spective and Leninist Continuity in the United States," the central political resolution adopted at the SWP's august 1984 convention surveying world and US politics in the early Reagan years.

Un folleto con muchos ideas para compartir y discutir con sus compañeros y compañeras de trabajo y de escuela. Presenta perspectivas que animan a uno estudiar al fondo cuestiones sociales y políticas. Da confianza en nuestra capacidad para entender la historia y organizar para cambiar la socieded.
¿Cual es la relación entre educación y salarios? ¿Porque la educación no se mejora en una sociedad capitalista, aún en una sociedad tan rica como Estados Unidos, a pesar la las muchas pláticas de presidentes y congresistas? ¿Porque hay tantos debates sobre educación pública y escuelas privadas? ¿Cual es la relación entre la crises en educación y el empeoramiento de salarios y condiciones de trabajo?
El autor explica que los ricos necesitan empleados obedientes, no trabajadores con la confianza y capacidad para cuestionar, leer, estudiar y organizar. Toma como ejemplo los ideas de Che Guevara y la revolución cubana, y cita ejemplos de luchas obreras hoy en día. Explica la necesidad de promover la educación como proceso social y con la meta de estudiar y aprender durante toda la vida. "No hay mejor razon para hacer la revolución socialista."

La educación dentro del sistema del dólar todopoderoso no tiene nada que ver con el
aprendizaje ni con la cultura.El sistema de educación existe para regimentar a los jovenes
obreros e inculcar en los jovenes de la clase media y de los superricos de que son
superiores a nosotros los trabajadores. Cuba socialista brinda educación de por vida y una
campaña de televisión llamada ' La Universidad Para Todos.' Tiene esas cosas porque allí
hicieron una revolución. ? Cómo podimos hacer una revolución aqui, en el estomago de la
Bestia Imperial ? ? Cómo podremos cambiarnos nosotros mismos en el proceso ? Estos
son los temas de este folleto excelente.

This pamphlet really opened my eyes. I have been all the way through education to a final degree and teach college. However, this little pamphlet tells more about education, real education, than anything I have read before. What is called education in this society is fitting you into the slots that this exploitative, oppressive society has for us, not providing us with knowledge, blaming us for our grades and putting some people in 'good' jobs and some people in bad, all to mask a system that exploits us all to benefit the big business rich? I have been to graduate school and have friends with Ph Ds and hung with several Poet Laureates of the US and people saturated with what this society calls education, but I have coworkers at the bus garage smarter than most of them. This pamphlet explains why this is, and how we can fight for real education. Real education is learning the tools to understand this system, learn to fight, learn to do real things in a real world, real education can come only through mass struggles against this system. Real education can't be separate from work, from life, from struggle. [...]

Hace diez años, las portavoces del imperio declararon el amanecer del Nuevo Orden Mundial y cantaron el Fin de Historia -pero parece hace siglos-. Cada año incrementa el número de guerras no declaradas de Washington para subsanar Wall Street a costo de miles, y cuando no millones, de vidas, pero con cada baño de sangre sólo hace que titubean más los amos de dinero.

La panorama que nos pinta el capital financiero y su neoliberalismo es una recesión económica creciente y el resultado inevitable de la marcha forzada hacia el fascismo y la guerra.

La guía de acción sólida viene de la conclusiones comunistas, aprendidas en los dos baños de sangre mundiales. La condición previa para una Guerra Mundial es que el fascismo tiene que aplastar a la clase trabajadora. Y antes de que se sucede este derrocamiento, el proletariado cuenta con una oportunidad de tomar el poder y así poner fin a todas las guerras -una vez por siempre en el caso de los Estados Unidos, el último imperio-.

Este libro se trata de la caída de la Bolsa de Valores en Wall Street, Nueva York en 1987 y sus repercusiones; el "Periodo Especial" (término usado en Cuba para describir la crisis económica entre 1990 y 1996); la lucha en contra el estalinismo y en contra los "focos del capitalismo" en Cuba; y el papel de la revolución cubana como inspiración para los trabajadores de todo el mundo. La marcha del imperialismo yanqui (en primer lugar) hacia el fascismo y guerra mundial va en contra de sus aliados-rivales imperialistas, en contra de las fundaciones económicas poscapitalistas de los estados-obrero (ex URSS, Europa Oriental, China, etc.) y en contra de los trabajadores y campesinos del mundo, incluyendo los que están dentro los mismos países imperialistas. Finalmente este libro plantea que hay un solo camino para la resistencia en contra de este futuro bárbaro: seguir el ejemplo de la revolucion bolchevique y el ejemplo de la revolucion cubana, aplicado a las particularidades de cada país, lo que es posible y necesario en los mismos países imperialistas. Más que todo, este libro es un mensaje de esperanza y confianza científica en los trabajadores y campesinos de todo el mundo, basada en la experiencia de los militantes que construyen un partido obrero revolucionario en los EE.UU.

He encontrado en las revistas de política y teoría marxista Nueva Internacional una fuente indispensable de información, análisis y orientación política. Como indica su título, las revistas de dedican a educar y forjar una nueva vanguardia de la clase obrera a nivel mundial. Bien vale el tiempo necesario para leer y estudiarlas y compartir los artículos con otros trabajadores.

Este número contiene artículos con un análisis marxista de la historia del capitalismo desde la expansión en las décadas después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta el estancamiento y las crisis de los años 1980s y 1990s. Las condiciones para la expansión del capital, las relaciones entre trabajadores y capitalistas, la explotación de los países del Tercer Mundo, el papel de los bancos y las bolsas de valores --con sus maniobras financieras y sus escándalos-- , los raíces de la marcha de los imperialistas hacia la guerra: todo se encuentra aquí. También un artículo que ayuda mucho en entender el funcionamiento del sistema capitalista a nivel mundial: "La curva del desarrollo capitalista," por León Trotsky.

Otro artículo importante es "La defensa de Cuba, la defensa de la revolución socialista," escrito poco después de la caída de los regimenes estalinistas en Moscú y los países de Europa Oriental. La crisis del capitalismo surge de las leyes de su propio desarrollo -- y la perspectiva de lucha de clases de Nueva Internacional ofrece una alternativa imprescindible: la lucha del pueblo trabajador para tomar el poder político y comenzar la construcción de una sociedad socialista.

Fue el estalinismo -el contrario del comunismo- que cayó en 1989-90. Ahora es el capitalismo mundial que está en crisis. En este libro se explica el derrumbe de este obstáculo a la participación de la clase trabajadora en la politica en la URSS y en la Europa Oriental -la burocracia estalinista pequeñoburgués- y como las fundaciones económicas, sobre todo las relaciones sociales, de esos estados-obreros permanecen hasta hoy en día. Explica por que el único camino que tiene el imperialismo yanqui para restaura el capitalismo en esos países, más China, Corea del Norte, etc., es el camino de fuerza y violencia: es decir, el camino de la guerra mundial. Un dirigente del Partido Comunista Cubano plantea en este libro que la única alternativa humana a un futuro de esta barbarie capitalista llamada "globalizado" es tomar el poder estatal los trabajadores y los campesinos en alianza. Más que nada, aquí se ve como la experiencia de un núcleo proletario del partido revolucionario en los EE.UU. sirve para forjar el camino de ayudar a dirigir la resistencia de hoy y mañana contra la crisis del sistema de ganancias y del Sagrado Mercado hasta la victoria, hasta la construcción de un gobierno de los trabajadores y campesinos aquí en los EE.UU. llevado a la últimas consecuencias: la muerte de la bestia imperial.

He encontrado en las revistas de política y teoría marxista Nueva Internacional una fuente indispensable de información, análisis y orientación política. Como su título indica, las revistas de dedican a educar y forjar una nueva vanguardia de la clase obrera a nivel mundial. Bien vale el tiempo necesario para leer y estudiarlas y compartir los artículos con otros trabajadores.

Los documentos presentados aquí ofrecen un análisis detallado de grandes cuestiones de nuestros tiempos: raíces de la crisis capitalista y la consecuente decadencia y debilidad del imperio norteamericano; perspectivas para la construcción de una sociedad socialista, superando la opresión, la explotación y la miseria que nos imponen sociedades divididas en clases; los retos en la lucha para forjar una dirigencia combativa y de conciencia de clase de la clase obrera a nivel mundial.

Los argumentos comiencen con las conquistas políticas históricas del movimiento obrero, desde Marx y Engels hasta Lenin y los Bolcheviques -- y las hacen más ricas, más concretas en base de la experiencia de la revolución cubana, de la caída de los regimenes estalinistas de la URSS y Europa oriental, y de las luchas de trabajadores y campesinos a través de las últimos décadas.

Me gusta sobre todo el espíritu de optimismo de los autores, su confianza en la capacidad de trabajadores y campesinos para transformarse y transformar el mundo entero. ¡Sí se puede!

¿Era una victoria para el imperialismo estadounidense el derrumbe de la URSS? No. ¿Porqué? El fracaso del estalinismo comprobó que una capa parásita no es tan fuerte como las fundaciones del estado obrero. Pueda que en un momento dado el sistema basado en explotación no parece estar en crisis plena, no obstante estamos inmersos en una época generalizada de la caída permanente en la taza de ganancias, y la única manera que el capital tiene para revertir esta caída es destruir capital y quienes lo producen, es decir, llevar a cabo una nueva guerra mundial.

Editado en forma de tesis cuando el Bush mayor dio el primero grito de victoria frente la caída del Muro de Berlín, El imperialismo perdió la guerra fría representa la única corriente que ha entendido como ni los mismos capitalistas se sienten libres, porque son esclavos de su capital -un capital que encoja de forma permanente-.

El derrumbe del estalinismo nos representa para los trabajadores y campesinos la mejor oportunidad en más de setenta años a arrebatar de los superricos el poder estatal para construir su propio gobierno, y así acabar con el último imperio que pueda desgraciar la faz de la Tierra.

Fue necesario unir los campesinos y trabajadores -los victimas del capitalismo- para llevar a cabo la revolucion democratica en el pais de Sudafrica, en contra de los mismos capitalistas. Y no solo fue una clase capitalista en su pais, sino un imperialismo que extraia ganancias de muchos paises del sur y centro de su continente.

Parece ironico, pero asi es el dilema del capitalismo en su fase imperialista actual. Sudafrica era uno de los ultimos ejemplos de lo que Lenin explicaba a principios del siglo XX en relacion de los paises sometidos al capitalismo (Imperialismo: la fase superior del capitalismo). Habiendo consumido su periodo revolucionario con la Guerra Civil de los Estados Unidos, de 1865 en adelante la burguesia ya no es capaz de ofrecer el liderazgo para ninguna revolucion democratica en ningun rincon del mundo. Unicamente los campesinos y trabajadores pueden instalar las leyes de igualdad, con la burguesia esperando impaciente de regresar del margen para tomar el poder una vez consumidas las necesidades democraticas.

Con Nelson Mandela de frente, el Congreso Nacional Africano impuso los minimos de igualdad, y asi acabo con un imperio pequeno pero tan brutal como el de Israel hoy en dia. Sudafrica sigue capitalista, pero ya no tiene segregacion para extraer super-ganancias.
from la Ciudad de Mexico

Este libro relata como Nelson Mandela y de su organización, el Congreso Africano Nacional, conquistaron el liderazgo de la revolución sudafricana democrática. Escrito en 1985 como un informe para la orientación de los militantes del Partido Socialista de los Trabajadores y de la Alianza de la Juventud Socialista en sus actividades contra el apartado, describe el papel internacionalista monumental de Cuba socialista. Su apoya militar y solidario a Angola enfrentó la agresión del régimen racista sudafricana entre 1975 y 1988, constituyéndose parte fundamental de la victoria del movimiento democrático antiracista en los años finales del siglo XX. Las lecciones de liderazgo revolucionario de Mandela y sus compañeros y compañeras sustenta el labor de los revolucionarios obreros anticapitalistas de hoy y mañana, en todos los países imperialistas -recordamos que Sudáfrica era un país imperialista-. Estas lecciones, especialmente para los que quieren erradicar el racismo y buscan un cambio social fundamental en los Estados Unidos examinan esta obra detalladamente.

Though published in 1985, nine years before the victory of the African National Congress against Apartheid, the main article in this book-length magazine Jack Barnes's "The Coming Revolution in South Africa," forecasts the way forward for the democratic revolution in South Africa and shows how the roots of a future socialist revolution in South Africa flow out of that struggle. Barnes, thenational secretary of the Socialist Workers Party, explains why the democratic tasks of national liberation and unification advanced by the ANC and its allies were the correct way forward for the peoples of South Africa. With examples from the policies of Lenin and the Russian Bolsheviks and theCuba and Nicaraguan revolutions, Barnes takes on sectarians who attacked the ANC because it did not have an explicitly anticapitalist program. Along with Barnes' speech, this issue contains "The Freedom Charter"--the political program the ANC advanced in the antiapartheid struggle -- "The Future Belongs to US" a Speech by ANC leader Oliver Tambo, a speech by Fidel Castro explainingwhy and how Cuba supported the freedom struggle in Angola, and a summary of the then latest stages in the South African struggle by Ernest Harsch.

In an age when revolutionaries come from different family trees, how do you look at the legendary Leon Trotsky, and his theory of "permanent revolution," that colonial countries can move directly from capitalist governments to workers governments? Jack Barnes, Socialist Workers Party national secretary, examines this issue in an article based on a 1982 speech.

Their Trotsky And Our, by Jack Barnes, is a timely reprint twenty years after it was first published. Based on a talk before 1000 working class fighters from the United States and around the world, this talk was earth shattering for those who looked mainly to Leon Trotsky. It reclaimed the political perspective and the strategic centrality of the worker and farmer alliance in the fight to defeat capitalism. And it re-knit ties with Bolshevism and the Communist International in Lenin's time. This enhanced rapprochement with genuine communists of the day: the Cubans and other serious fighters world wide.

As James P. Cannon, a founder of the U.S Communist Party, a delegate to two congresses of the Communist International and later a founder and a central leader of the Socialist Workers Party and the Fourth International said : "It is not a new movement, a new doctrine, but the restoration, the revival of genuine Marxism as it was practiced in the Russian Revolution and in the early days of the Communist International." Thus "Their Trotsky and Ours" places Trotsky where he belongs in history as the twentieth century's greatest Marxist-Leninist, second only to Lenin.

This document is a summation of the lessons of history of revolution. In its way it is in line with the Communist Manifesto, with the fundamental documents of the Comintern, knitting together the history of world revolution, and of its Marxist vanguard in particular. This is not just about Trotsky and his contributions, butabout how the Cuban communists fit into the continuation of Leninism, of what lessons we can learn from the crushed revolutions in Grenada and Nicaragua and the revolution led by Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso.There is so much, how Lenin's understanding of the importance of reaching out to farmers is true today, how new currents of workers searching for communist answers will keep emerging as they did in Cuba. This book rejects the sectarianism that characterizes many who call themselves Trotskyists for the genuine Leninism that Trotsky was recruited to and fought to continue. It tells how Trotsky learned Leninism, and how Trotskyists have learned like Trotsky did, not to be Trotskyists, but to be communists. For many, this pamphlet will take them back to the founding documents of the Communists International. For others this will take you to the continuing revolutionary politics of Fidel and the other Cuban communists. If you are serious about changing the world, you need to read this, study this, and follow the links this important book takes you to revolutionists throughout history and around the world. Rather than looking back at history, this book willtake you forward to see where new revolutionists, new currents of revolutionists, new revolutions will come in the future.

This document, soon to be published as an independent book by Pathfinder, is a summation of the lessons of history of revolution. In its way it is in line with the Communist Manifesto, with the fundamental documents of the Comintern, knitting together the history of world revolution, and of its Marxist vanguard in particular. This is not just about Trotsky and his contributions, but about how the Cuban communists fit into the continuation of Leninism, of what lessons we can learn from the crushed revolutions in Grenada and Nicaragua and by extension Burkina Faso.
There is so much, how Lenin's understanding of the importance of reaching out to farmers is true today, how new currents of workers searching for communist answers will keep emerging as they did in Cuba, how Trotsky learned Leninism, and how Trotskyists have learned like Trotsky did, not to be Trotskyists, but to be communists.
For many, this pamphlet will take them back to the founding documents of the Communists International. For others this will take the to the continuing revolutionary politics of Fidel and the other Cuban communists.
If you are serious about changing the world, you need to read this, study this, and follow the links this important book takes you to revolutionists throughout history and around the world.

In an age when revolutionaries come from different family trees, how do you look at the legendary Leon Trotsky, and his theory of ?permanent revolution,? that colonial countries can move directly from capitalist governments to workers governments? Jack Barnes, Socialist Workers Party national secretary, examines this issue in an article based on a 1982 speech. The volume also contains a piece by Cuban Communist Carlos Rafael Rodriguez on Lenin?s contributions to the strategy of colonial liberation and a pair of articles, by Lenin and Trotsky, on the 1916 Easter rebellion in Ireland.

What does it take to make a socialist revolution? What sort of political leadership is needed? What program and strategy? How to you create it in practice?

I found this issue of New International very helpful in discussing and thinking about these questions, both to understand the world today and figure out what to do about it. Jack Barnes bases his analysis on political work done by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels and leaders of the Russian Revolution V.I. Lenin and Leon Trotsky. He discusses lessons socialists in the United States had already drawn, and then takes a fresh look in light of the 1979 worker and peasant revolutions in Nicaragua and Grenada and the debate they sparked on revolutionary strategy.

The discussion takes up issues where there have often been differences among revolutionary organizations, including the character of alliances between workers and peasants or farmers, the role of armed struggle and electoral campaigns, and the type of the government to establish after overthrowing a capitalist regime. Barnes stresses the importance of the Cuban Revolution, both for the example it sets and the conscious efforts of the Cuban leadership to advance revolutionary leadership development around the world.

... and needing 'education' ?
So-called education under the market system of the Almighty Dollar has nothing to do with learning or culture.Its goals are to teach working-class youth to be regimented and obedient to 'superiors' and regurgitate what bosses, big and small want to hear and want to believe'and teach children of the middle class ( degreed professionals ) and of the supperich that they are somewhat better and a lot better than us workers, respectively. Socialist Cuba has lifetime education and a current TV campaign called the University For All.To do this they had to make a revolution. What will it
take for us to unite and fight back as the New Depression begins ? Is it possible for 'regular average everyday working people to take power in the belly of the Imperial Beast ( America ) ? Will we have to change ourselves in this process ?
These are the themes of this excellent pamphlet.

This pamphlet really opened my eyes. I have been all the way through education to a final degree and teach college. However, this little pamphlet tells more about education, real education, than anything I have read before. What is called education in this society is fitting you into the slots that this exploitative, oppressive society has for us, not providing us with knowledge, blaming us for our grades and putting some people in 'good' jobs and some people in bad, all to mask a system that exploits us all to benefit the big business rich? I have been to graduate school and have friends with Ph Ds and hung with several Poet Laureates of the US and people saturated with what this society calls education, but I have coworkers at the bus garage smarter than most of them. This pamphlet explains why this is, and how we can fight for real education. Real education is learning the tools to understand this system, learn to fight, learn to do real things in a real world, real education can come only through mass struggles against this system. Real education can't be separate from work, from life, from struggle. Check out Capitlism's World Disorder, the book this is excerpted from, also sold by Amazon

This booklet was published during the phony debate between Gore and Bush on "education reform" in the 2000 election campaign. It explains why education cannot be "reformed" under capitalism. Barnes talks about how capitalist education from grade school through college socializes us to become docile worker bees and why we have to unlearn a lot of the junk they teach in school in order to become effective fighters for workers' rights today and for a socialist future.