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Travel writer Robin Mead has compiled a list of over 80 known haunted hotels, motels, inns, and bed & breakfasts for a North American companion to his previous book, WEEKEND HAUNTS, which focuses on Britain. Each listing describes the facility and its amenities, local attractions, and price range, then briefly elaborates on its haunting and pertinent history.
Surprisingly, the relatively youthful state of California has the most entries. It hosts some of the better-known haunted hotels, which include the Hotel del Coronado, QUEEN MARY, and Hotel Roosevelt, but more intriguing are the ones that are less familiar. The Bullock Hotel in Deadwood, South Dakota, for instance, was covered in a segment for UNSOLVED MYSTERIES several years ago, but rarely comes to mind as quickly as the aforementioned.
During severe winter storms, former employee Boots Berry can still be heard tap dancing on the third floor of the Green Mountain Inn in Stowe, Vermont, even though he died almost 100 years ago. Arthemise Bouligny, one of the original owners of the Dufour-Baldwin House in New Orleans, has been seen there repeatedly on a balcony since her death in 1911. Captain Swayze, a local militia man, resents Americans after his death during the War of 1812 and tosses objects around whenever anyone who enters the Old Angel Inn in Niagra-on-the-Lake, Ontario, wearing any symbols identifying them as U.S. citizens.
A couple of qualified hotels in the San Francisco Bay Area were missed in this compilation, but, in order for Mead to be that comprehensive, research would be a constant process that prevents the book from ever being released. At the end of the volume, he supplies a short list of 22 more haunted North American lodgings he knew of but was unable to personally visit. In his introduction, he also states that he deliberately withheld some known haunts because their managements asked for exclusion.
Reading what life is like in these places when the folks there aren't dealing with ghostly phenomena gives the reader a better sense of place. Anyone with an interest in ghost folklore should enjoy this book regardless of whether or not a trip is being planned. Contact info is provided for those who would like to visit; however, this guide was first released in 1995 so some of it may be outdated.
Whether you're looking for help to plan a supernatural vacation or just want ghost folklore, HAUNTED HOTELS can be fun on both counts. This reviewer will haunt the Internet until a copy of WEEKEND HAUNTS becomes available.
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The layout of the portfolio is ingenious: bound loose-leaf and prefaced by a page of appreciation, the gatefolds on medium stock will lay flat to the right for examination, or can be wholly removed. The reverse side of each contains another page of discussion, a small plan by William Storrer, and colored photos of interior as well as exterior views. I suppose one could cut off and frame the long drawings. All the text can be read without opening the gatefolds. Text and headings are set in a most attractive, 1930-ish Wrightian typeface ("Eaglefeather," I believe). This is not an essential study of Wright, but for the price it is impossible to go wrong with this quick overview of his most spectacular works.
On the other side of this gatefold are full-color photos of the structure, as well as a floor plan. The accompanying text describes how the commission was obtained, the construction, etc.
The book includes some of Wright's most famous residences, religious buildings, and public structures.
While not a complete overview of Wright's work, I gave it 5 stars because of the uniqueness of its presentation. I was just fascinated by the book's design-- it is beautiful, elegant, and informative.
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Religion has always been a huge factor in the region, causing many wars, and even more domestic conflict over the interpretation of religion and how it should be incorporated into everyday life and public life as well. As the only Shi'ite country in the region, Iran has long been set apart from its neighbors, both religiously and geographically, in addition to the different factions within the country who have sought to establish rule over the country as a whole. However, there was always the challenge of how to incorporate the teachings of Islam and the Koran into a workable political agenda wich would be able to govern a country and bring about an Islamic republic, wherein Islam and government would be able to co-exist and the people of Iran would be happy in a country ruled by the tenets of Islam. This is the puzzle confronted by Wright in her book as she explores the impact of the Islamic Revolution upon Iran and the phenomena of the revolution itself, a mixture of the socialist ideas from Russia and the egalitarian ideas from France and the rest of the democratized world. The notion of democracy and an Islamic government have never been able to peacefully co-exist before, and, through an account of everyday life in Iran told through the eyes of the people who live it as well as an account of the political turmoil experienced on an almost daily basis, Wright examines the success of the Islamic republic.
The evidence explored by Wright is gathered from first-hand experiences she has had with the people who have shaped both the Islamic revolution as well as the dissident groups within the revolution who have called for a more democratic approach to government and for an end to the repressive social regulations imposed by the Ayatollah and his government, and she examines this evidence as it relates to the areas of women's rights, politics, pop culture, and protest. During the time of the Shah, Iran was swiftly undergoing to trend towards modernization, crystallized in the White Revolution during the 1960's. The people had tasted democracy and liberation, and were excited by it. Westernized culture had begun to sweep Iran, from its literature, to its entertainment, to its economy, and it was against this cultural invasion that the Ayatollah Khomeini began agitating for a return to Islamic culture, government, and societal practices.
Despite the modern influences and somewhat Westernized thinking, Khomeini, a former exile, was able to overthrow the government of the Shah in 1978, and embark upon his mission of returning Iran to an Islamic state safeguarded against the evils of the West, especially America. Khomeini, however, did not change two of the things which the Shah had instituted or begun: women's rights and voting rights. The society had reached a point where these rights were seen as essential and would not be surrendered to the State. Although women had the right to attain education and other basic rights, their rights were greatly curtailed as a result of the Islamic revolution. They were required to wear the chadors, head coverings which conceal everything but eyes, nose, and mouth, and they are not allowed to mix with males in everyday interaction. However, women have made great strides in Iranian society. They are able to participate in government, hold office, and hold many other powerful positions within the society. There has also been reformations in the legal arena which have granted women more rights within society, especially with regards to marriage and divorce, giving women equality with men, although they still have very different roles within society. This focus on the greater rights of women is no more greatly exemplified than in the area of birth control, with the State providing the means for women, and even men now, to curtail the number of children they have in an effort to help address the swift population growth.
Another area which has been heavily influenced through the revolution has been in Iran's political arena. With the coming of the Ayatollah Khomeini, the government assumed an entirely different focus: that of conforming society to the tenets of Islam. Throughout the next two decades, the Islamic government perpetrated many instances of censorship and virtual extinguishment of any idea contrary to the ideals set forth in the Koran. They restricted the influx of Western culture, and quelled any dissident groups within the country who dared challenge their authority. Wright gives numerous accounts in her book of people who were targeted by the regime for their political views. Even today, there is great unrest due to the conflict between the conservatives in Iran and the more progressive sections of society who believe in freedom of thought and expression.
A final instantiation of the Islamic revolution is explored by Wright through her account of the relation between pop culture and protest in the Iranian republic. Wright interviews many of Iran's great minds and gives an account of the censorship they have experienced all in the name of protecting the sanctity of the Islamic tradition. The greatest divides in the country can be seen with the incursion of pop culture, mostly from America. The conservatives in the regime attempt to entirely prevent the flow of Western music, film, and literature so that society will not be tempted to emulate the "excesses of evil" which is embodied in most of Western culture. However, the democratizing forces within the country, especially the youth, view Western ideas and culture as a way in which to progress and defeat the suppression of the totalitarian government. There has been constant and bloody conflict between these diametrically opposed forces, and, lately, with the unrest in Iran due to high unemployment, huge population growth, as well as the influence of forward thinkers and their greater freedom to express themselves, the forces of modernization are slowly winning the day, defeating the notion that democracy and an Islamic government can ever peacefully co-exist.
Wright's book is an extremely impressive account of the conflict in Iran due to differing ideas on how society should look and act. She presents highly personal accounts of the struggle shared by many individuals within Iran in the attempt to make their government realize that they cannot restrict the free-flow of ideas and the social practices which follow from those ideas. She also gives a convincing account of the political struggles which have brought Iran to the point which it is at today: whether to completely separate religion from the state policies, or whether there is room for both. Wright's account is very prescient today due to its historical focus on the conflict between Islam and democracy, as well as its warnings of the consequences of trying to control the thoughts and actions of an entire society. Although Wright does sometimes stray into excessive description when giving accounts of incidents or phenomena within the country, her book is very important for understanding the cultural foundations present in Iran which have given it is distinct and volatile nature even today. Indeed, the book should serve as a reminder that culture and all its outworkings is the most powerful catalyst for change within a political system.
For those who have not been back to Iran since the revolution, or for those who would like to understand a culture so complex and rich, this book documents the social climate of the past twenty years in Iran.
I could not put the book down. Living in the states for most of my life, yet visting Iran every so often: as I turned each page, I felt like it was another day I was living in Iran. By reading this, I heard the traffic, I felt the heat through my chador, and I also saw the struggles the Iranians go through daily.
In addition to stating the drawbacks to the Islamic revolution, more importantly, Wright establishes an intriguing twist to the stereotypical image of Iran. She does so by praising the "births" of the many sub-movements, ie. Iranian cinema, education, women's rights. Although, Iran has a long way to go in many aspects, it was encouraging to read about the numerous accomplishments Iranians have made by transforming the theocratic restrictions into positive change.
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I was glad to learn about the Knights of Templer and that they were crusaders. I always wondered how Sam Spade in the Maltese Falcon knew that and it is because of this classic.
I was surprised that it talked so much about Robin of Lockesley. The story of Ivanhoe seemed to be the same only told by Ivanhoe's friends and not Robin's.
I thought that the DeBracyn and the Knight of Templer Brian de Bois Guilbert were pretty evil guys which made the story interesting. They were weasels when they had their backs to the wall but did preform with honor when required like when Richard gets DeBracy.
I guess I did not understand the prejudice of the time because they treated the Jews like dirt and they were so sterotypical. I really thought that the Jewish girl Rebecca was going to end up with Ivanhoe instead of that Saxon Lady Roweana. I guess you have to appreciate the times that they lived in.
It was a different look the Richard/Prince John history.
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While written in the 80's and covering mainly events occuring from the birth of Islam to the 80's , I think the book is still very much applicable in the present day context . It will shed light on why we are seeing a virtual groundswell of antagonism toward the West and all things Western from our Middle east bretheren . Additional chapters on recent events were also helpful in updating the information up to present day .
You never get the feeling that the author has taken sides but this in no way translates into an academic lack of passion she feels for her subject . The book basically approaches the subject matter from the standpoint of trying to understand the roots of this groundswell but leaves the reader with ample room to formulate their own conclusions .
For the armchair political scientist interested in current affairs .
There were those who anticipated the crescendo long before it sounded. Los Angeles Times correspondent Robin Wright covered the Iranian revolution, the attack on the Marine barracks in Beirut, and other regional violence and issues in the Eighties. She eloquently documented these events and their larger meaning in her seminal work, Sacred Rage: The Wrath of Militant Islam, in 1985. Yet in attention span-challenged United States--even among those who read Sacred Rage--the spectacular attacks 16 years later still seemed to come as a complete shock.
Many books on Islamism were updated after September 11. The revised editions often consisted of rehashed material with new introductions and a few topical chapters tacked onto the end.
This is not the case with the trade paperback version of Sacred Rage. In fact, a very good book has achieved near greatness. Author Robin Wright's groundbreaking exploration of the rise and spread of Islamic fundamentalism does more than give tremendous context to what happened years later in Washington and New York. In a sense, the diverse material now coalesces as Wright explores the recent trend towards democracy among the same militants whose terror she covered in the Eighties. The recent edition even offers plausible solutions to conflicts between the West and the Middle East; glimmers of hope even manage to appear now and again, which should be counterintuitive.
The new chapters that involve Osama bin Laden and his view of the future are striking and fit in naturally with the other material. Wright contrasts al-Qaeda's reactionary attempts to turn the clock back to 700 with the yearning among many Iranians and Lebanese for true democracy. This different world view is, to a large degree, the product of the repression of the Shia. This suffering helped give birth to the rage and wrath Wright chronicles, and in an ironic twist the author seems to think these Muslims might be the ones to embrace a democratic and pluralistic Middle East.
There are a few problems with the new version. Wright defines the terms "fundamentalism" and "Islamist" differently from some other authors. She uses the former in an almost negative sense, and the latter favorably. Of greater concern, Wright doesn't adequately explain why an Islamist Lebanon would be so radically different from the Sudan or Saudi Arabia. Also, her comparisons between America's Religious Right and Islamic fundamentalists are way over the top in 2003.
These are only minor gripes, though. Sacred Rage is more relevant today than it was when first published. Also, Wright has softened her near-apologies for the more extreme behavior she documented. This version sheds light on the struggle between those Muslims who want both democracy and Islam, and those who only want theocracy. That struggle inevitably involves the United States and the West. Sacred Rage suggests the West's interaction with the Muslim world can be constructive. This is preferable to the suggestion of an inevitable clash of civilizations. That gloom and doom scenario usually is offered by those whose knowledge of the region pales in comparison with others who always heard the background noise of potential violence and reported it years before the first plane slammed into the World Trade Center.
The tone seemed very inviting to me, and probably to all others interested. Page by page, Robin puts forth great detail with seemingly no pressure to please any point of view.
However, she did maybe commit an overkill on the "fundamentalist extremist militant fanatic" vocabulary. But still, her tone forces the reader to accept the terms literally, and not with the hate-filled spirit as seen in other publications.
I recommend those interested in the topic to check this one out.
God bless, and strive for peace and justice.
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This book was written in 1989, which means that the author did not have too much time in which to put the Iranian Revolution into its proper historical setting. However, that said, the author does give a wonderful understanding, at times showing the similarities between the terrors of Iran's Revolution and those of the French and Russian Revolutions.
It did not appear to me that the author was trying to present the revolution in an overtly positive light, though the terrors were not covered in any great depth. Instead, this book read like any good history of the French or Russian Revolutions, and is an excellent chronicle. I highly recommend this book to anyone who wants to understand what happened in Iran during this fascinating decade.