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Once the war began, Cecil shows, Wilhelm's function was symbolic and superficial, at least as far as the imperial army was concerned. He often resided close to the front, was occasionally exposed to hostile fire, and relished hearing the roar of the guns. Cecil makes it clear that the Kaiser's duties were limited to sending telegrams, war zone tours, medal presentations and other purely ceremonial tasks''it was as empty an existence as he had had in peacetime.' Cecil flatly asserts that Wilhelm's 'part in the war, especially as it concerned the army, took a secondary place behind the role of his officers.' (210). He was for the most part shielded by his ubiquitous military entourage, fearful that his inability to 'withstand the strains of warfare' would break him. 'The Kaiser's ignorance of the true nature of the struggle in which Germany was engaged,' Cecil frankly summarizes, 'was profound and his utility to his military leaders quite limited.' He was in essence a figurehead, 'content merely to hear and endorse' the opinions of his generals. Soon after the war began, Cecil concludes, Wilhelm became 'a 'shadow Kaiser' (schattenkaiser), out of sight, neglected, and relegated to the sidelines in imperial Germany's hour of trial.' (212)
This is the gold standard of Kaiser Wilhelm II biographies.
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Eichmann, along with at least 300 other leading Nazis escaped from Austria to Italy and then to Argentina via the 'convent route', assisted by the Roman Catholic Church and the Red Cross. However, after Aharoni located and identified Eichmann, the Israeli Government made no attempt to get him extradited from Argentina. It ordered Aharoni to kidnap Eichmann and smuggle him to Israel. The kidnapping, in May 1960, broke Argentina's laws, as Israel's Prime Minister David Ben Gurion later admitted. The United Nations General Assembly passed a Resolution condemning the abduction as a violation of Argentina's sovereignty.
The Israeli Government put Eichmann on trial in 1961. He famously claimed that he was only obeying orders, but was found guilty of instigating the killing of millions of Jews. He was executed on 1 June 1962.
The whole enterprise showed the Israeli Government's cavalier attitude to other countries' sovereignty. Its technical success was used to warrant later repeated attacks on other nations' sovereignty. These aggressions damaged the countries attacked: they also degraded Israel itself. Aharoni laments that after he retired 'the rules changed and the ideals of his past no longer applied; with the occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, Israel had become a different country.' (A key indicator of this change was that, appallingly, confessions obtained by force became admissible evidence in court.) But he cannot see that his career's most triumphant moment - the forcible abduction of Eichmann - contributed to this moral degradation.
Zvi Aharoni and Peter Malkin seem to have a mutual animosity towards each other, a point that is illustrated many times in this book. Of historical importance, however, is Aharoni's claim that Mr. Malkin's discussions with Eichmann while in the former's captivity could not have taken place, both because it was against orders, and also that Malkin and Eichmann did not share a common language. Aharoni claims that Malkin spoke Yiddish and Hebrew, the former sufficently similar to German to communicate simple commands and needs, but certainly insufficient to discuss the fine points of the Holocost. I recently sent a letter to Mr. Malkin asking to clarify his language skills, especially inquiring whether he was fluent in German. It would make sense, since Malkin did extensive undercover work in Germany prior to the Eichmann operation. As of this writing, he has not responded.
Aside from this point, this book probably is the most complete in recounting the research and operational details that went into the making of the capture of Eichmann.
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For Röhl, the Kaiser's involvement in the Great War was heavily influenced by his personality. Wilhelm "never matured," and was seen as a child-like figure at army headquarters. This trait was coupled with a "notorious overestimation of his own abilities, and a refusal to accept constructive criticism. To emphasize the emperor's requirement that he be at center stage at all times, Röhl repeats the apposite bon mot that Wilhelm "insisted on being the stag at every hunt, the bride at every wedding and the corpse at every funeral." (11-13) These qualities did little to endear himself to senior military officers and worked to push the Kaiser to the sidelines of decision making as the war intensified. Röhl holds that Wilhelm's public and private antics brought much scorn down upon himself and the German monarchy as a whole. He opines that
the history of the last hundred years," he opines, "has shown that a monarchy in a modern state can only hope to survive if it restricts itself firmly to its purely representational functions and avoids making any political comment and exerting any influence. That Wilhelm II did precisely the opposite is a matter of embarrassing record. (104)
Röhl concludes that Wilhelm's role in the formation of Germany policies was not insignificant before the war, particularly with regard to the turn-of-the-century naval armaments race with Great Britain, and in the domestic arena-though he was "vulnerable to manipulation by his generals and his military entourage." (166) By late 1914, Röhl declares, Wilhelm's influence began to wane, though the awareness by military leaders of which plans, people or policies the emperor would and would not support acted as "a blocking mechanism," a fact which indicates that the Kaiser could not be completely ignored. (116) Indeed, Röhl reminds his readers that "not a single appointment to an official position, and no political measure, could be undertaken without the express consent of the Kaiser." (117)
I enjoyed this book very much - it is very well-written and was a pleasure to read. I think anyone interested in this period of German/European history will find reading this book well worth the effort.
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I read Sellwood's book in a few hours. It was a good appetizer, primarily focusing on 4 of the passengers.
I will definitely be looking for other books that further detail this fascinating story.
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This is an excellent read for history buffs, as the material contains many specific dates and events, with an overall analysis aimed at appraising the Russian crypto program during WWII. The text is the content of a NSA report, that was once classified as TOP SECRET, but is now unclassified, thanks probably, to the Freedom of Information Act. The only negative thing to be said about this book, is it's brevity, as it is only 50 printed pages.
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Not to mention that some of these little French villages are a bit obscure, and a map would be helpful. Don't get me wrong the second half of the book has a lot of maps and is a pleasure to read. A very good addition to any library concerning tactical defense of the Normandy Coast in WW II.
As has often been pointed out, these documents all have to be used with caution. The earlier ones were done when the authors were prisoners of war, the later ones when they were paid employees of the US Army. Most of them - especially the earlier reports -- were done largely without reference to war diaries, war maps or official papers. While written by participants - many of whom never wrote their memoirs or other accounts in any language - while their memories were still fresh, their immediacy is not matched by attention to detail - dates and places are sometimes wrong or inconsistent - or their impartiality.
In some cases, the threat of prosecution for war crimes obviously influenced the writing. Some ended up doing hard time or the high jump. Blumentritt's admiration of his boss, Field Marshal von Rundstedt, was doubtlessly genuine. But it comes across as "my boss was a wonderful old gentlemen, a natural aristocrat, and ignorant of any atrocities. I can say this because I burned all the incriminating evidence myself". The authors also do not spend much ink on introspection and self-revelation, but self-justification and pointing the finger at others is always in order when former generals are let near a typewriter, as the recent round of Gulf War memoirs show.
A Rashomon-like quality pervades, with the same events being described by multiple writers while - even more frustrating - more significant events are ignored. The quality of the writing and the translation varies greatly.
This book certainly does not tell the complete German side of D-Day. But the documents included in this volume remain a valid part of that picture.
Since the authors are all, I believe, now dead, I have tried to pull together these accounts with minimal editorial intrusions from the accounts they originally compiled for the US Army's historians. These accounts have been a major source for all historians writing about on the German side of D-Day since then, as a check of the bibliography of any of the better books on Normandy will show. I think if it's worth while for the historians to use them, then there is value in brining access to these accounts to a wider audience.
These accounts discuss both the fighting on D-Day itself and the strategy and tactics that shaped them. The authors include members of the high command, such as General Jodl and Admiral Donitz and their respective chiefs of staff. It also includes army, corps, division and regimental commanders and chiefs of staff. General Geyr gives his estimate of the quality of each of his panzer divisions, explaining the factors that would make each one a threat on the battlefield. Baron von der Heydte describes organizing and training his Luftwaffe parachute regiment and then leading into battle against the US 101st Airborne Division in the confused and bitter fighting around Ste. Mere-Eglise on D-Day. Generals Spiedel and Blumentritt provide their unique insights, as chiefs of staff, into the generalship and personality of Rommel and von Rundstedt. Oberstleutnant Fritz Ziegelmann, assistant chief of staff of the German 352nd Infantry Division, is in my opinion the most useful source. His D-Day communications log is included in this volume along with his account of how his division ended up behind Omaha Beach on D-Day and how they managed to make it a "near run thing".
This book is aimed at those with a deep interest in the Normandy campaign. It helps to have a good idea of the general course of D-Day going in, as the authors are not all that helpful about explaining things. German generals were not used to explaining. Nor is the latest and most insightful account of the Germans on D-Day. There has been 55 years of historians' work devoted to that. But it does give you the views - self-exculpatory, buck-passing, complaining though it may often be - of some very important fighting men you are not likely to hear from elsewhere.
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With regard to the outbreak of war in 1914, however, Clark argues that while Helmuth von Moltke, chief of the German General Staff, 'pressed his sovereign'at crucial moments' in the months leading to war, at no point did the monarch 'surrender the power of decision to the military.' (215) Far from being a warmonger, Clark asserts, Wilhelm was 'reluctant to entangle Germany in a continental war,' (214) and maintained 'his own outlook on policy [that] differed in crucial ways from that of the military leadership.' (216) He never supported the 'preventive war' strategy espoused by top army officials, nor did he regard mobilization as irreversible. Clark points to Wilhelm's attempts to mediate between Serbia and Austria-Hungary as evidence of his 'reluctance to allow Germany to be sucked into a Balkan engagement' in 1914. (218) This initiative was 'overridden by the chancellor,' Clark notes, which provides further proof of the Kaiser's declining stature in affairs of the state'affairs he could 'influence'but did not control.' (218)
What of Wilhelm's involvement in the prosecution of and involvement in the Great War? Clark concludes that the Kaiser's 'capacity to exercise a command function was narrowly circumscribed,' which considerably diluted his influence among Germany's military leaders. Furthermore, he 'lacked an overview of strategic planning' leading up to and including the early stages of the war because, Clark maintains, the general staff regarded him as a security risk and refused to take him in to their confidence. As a result, he was displaced from the center of military affairs, shielded from much bad news from the front, and 'was excluded from the sphere of operational command of the land forces'though he did exercise a more direct'influence on the wartime operations of the German navy.' (227) Clark warns that one should not push the argument that the Kaiser was marginal too far. 'By virtue of his position,' he writes, Wilhelm was a 'figure of crucial importance,' namely for his authority to 'appoint and dismiss 'his' officers and officials.' (228) He concludes that although he was not vital militarily to the day to day running of the war, the emperor was a central figure in the 'processes by which some of the most central policy issues of the war years were resolved.' (244)
This is a great, short study for the student and buff.