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He illuminates the Southern literary renaissance better than any of the poor attempts I've read by others.
Using a vast amount of material, published and unpublished, he presents in a very well organized fashion the South's own portrait of itself, as accurately as it has ever been presented.
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This approach works brilliantly, largely because of Aron's contribution. His treatment of Karl Marx is particularly masterful, and is perhaps the standard against which other, and much more detailed treatments are judged. The same is true of his treatment Durkheim and Max Weber in the second volume. The two books, which originally were created as part of a yearlong graduate seminar Aron taught at the University of Paris, are an artful combination of scholarship and repartee. Aron's tone is suitable scholarly and thoughtful, and yet is also eminently readable and accessible to the average reader. This two volume set, first printed in hardcover in the mid 1960s, has never been long out of print in the forty years since, and has long been the standard text for use in graduate courses in classical sociological theory.
One caution is appropriate, however. These books are not for Everyman, although they are written in a style and a language that makes them quite accessible and easy to comprehend and understand. Rather, the two volume set is more apt reading material for those readers who are seriously interested in the western tradition of classical social thought, and it acts as a suitable introduction to the heritage of critical thought and intellectual insight extending back hundreds of years in western thought. Enjoy!
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According to Weaver's friend Russell Kirk, the publisher imposed the title, which Weaver hated, on this book.
My one problem with the book is that its title is used as an incantation by some conservative intellectuals who insist that being right, in the sense of being correct, is sufficient to win. To support their position, they utter the words: "Ideas have consequences," thinking that by so doing they have enlisted Richard Weaver on their side and thereby obsolved themselves of any obligation to take effective actions.
Once you have read the book, you will know that Weaver didn't believe that ideas in and of themselves have consequences. He believed that skillful actions, when based on good ideas, have good consequences.
Richard Weaver wrote that Plato was preoccupied throughout his life by the problem of rhetoric: if truth alone was insufficient to persuade, what could be added to assist it? In The Ethics of Rhetoric, Weaver examined these additions -- the tools of rhetoric -- and how they might be used. His topics included the argument from circumstance and definition as they applied to Burke and Lincoln respectively, Milton's prose, the Scopes trial, the language of social science, the spaciousness of old oratory, the parts of speech, and the use of "god-" and "devil-terms."
The two chapters that deal with Lincoln are among Weaver's best. Despite his sympathies with the old South, he does a fine job of proving Lincoln's profound conservatism, his imaginative, literary, and rhetorical abilities, his courageous leadership and deep integrity.
On the other hand, I think Weaver misreads Burke, falling prey to the legalistic absolutism which divides reality into either/or constructs. I do not consider Burke a liberal simply because he occasionally argued from circumstance. What number of uses of the argument from circumstance confer upon one the status of conservative or liberal? Seven arguments from circumstance versus five from definition? Here we see Weaver trying to divide the world into rows and columns.
I am inclined to agree with Disraeli that a statesman is a practical man, to some degree the creature of his age, who determines what is needful at a given time and place. Robert Nisbet has written that only a revolutionary like Robespierre would say "perish the colonies rather than a principle." In politics expediency and principle perform an intricate dance. There need not be all one or the other. One of the reasons Kirk eschewed the label of ideology for conservatism, and preferred the notion of prudence, was that conservatism took into account the actual rather than trying to impose upon the world a manifesto of what was theoretically possible. Many of the mistakes I see in political debate are a result of the tendency to absolutize something which is not absolute and thereby substitute for thought some ready formula.
Criticisms aside, I found The Ethics of Rhetoric to be Weaver's most useful book, with little of the old Southern jeremiad and loathing of modernity which characterize much of his work. Many strong passages illuminate the way in which language is used and misused. That subject grows more pertinent when we are deluged with information by ever more complex means. More pressure is exerted on us to separate the true from the false, the rhetorically ethical from the unethical.
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To Weaver the evils of the world were rooted in modernism, industrialism, materialism, and nationalism, all of which he blamed on Union victory. At one point Weaver even asserted that total war -- war unrestrained by chivalry or other ethical restraints -- was a northern custom which had led to the rise of National Socialism in Germany.
The stark line Weaver drew between South and North, with divergent and logical worldviews ascribed to each, was for him the line between good and evil. In reducing every issue to either-or, Weaver oversimplified his subjects, so that his essays resemble legal arguments: Haynes v. Webster, Thoreau v. Randolph, Lee v. Sherman, Emerson v. Warren. In each case, Weaver's preference is obvious.
I found the strongest essays to be in section one, about southern literature and the Agrarian writers. Here are many useful and profound insights that time has not diminished. When Weaver leaves his specialty, however, his comments are less persuasive, amounting to sweeping sociological observations and cheerleading for the old South.
The converse of Weaver's feeling at home in an imagined South is feeling alienated in an imagined North. Although he spent most of his career teaching literature at the University of Chicago, he isolated himself from the city both physically and intellectually. Perhaps if Weaver had made more effort to adapt, he would have left us a richer legacy, one less marked by decline and defeat.
I admire Weaver's work a great deal. He should be praised for showing, from a conservative perspective, the limitations of capitalism, industrialism, and modernism, limitations which are more often the outcry of the radical left and dismissed as anti American. He would have been wise to consider also the limitations of the old South. I am less willing to blame today's discontents on Union victory. In Weaver's rigid arguments, moreover, there is little to be learned about the vital American principles of acceptance, pluralism, and compromise.
Sometimes it is difficult to sort out the contradictions in Weaver's work, but I prefer to keep in mind his comments from Ideas Have Consequences: Piety accepts the right of others to exist, and it affirms an objective order, not created by man, that is independent of the human ego.
"Then we noticed that in the second pillow was the indentation of a head. One of us lifted something from it, and leaning forward, that faint and invisible dust dry and acrid in the nostrils, we saw a long strand of iron-gray hair."
The book is a monument to Lee and Jackson. Anyone who wants to understand Picket's charge needs to read this excellent book.
I recommend this book as a textbook for any student of public speaking. It's also written so it can be read cover to cover so it can be used out of the classroom!
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In this book, Weaver set up polar opposites that often resulted in oversimplification and false dichotomy. He preferred "either-or" to "both-and" thinking. Thus he divided the world into two competing world views -- spiritual versus material -- and as he approached a topic, he placed it under the appropriate column. That kind of thinking may work for the accountant or lawyer but for the "doctor of culture" that he imagined himself to be it meant all kinds of omissions.
After defining culture, Weaver outlined some of its enemies: overemphasis of function over status, immanentizing of social forms, total war, public education, and evolution. The real enemy, though, appears to be science, which Weaver believed diminished man and his sense of himself as a spiritual being. A proponent of mind over matter, he feared science put limits on man's free will, and on his spreadsheet of values free will was a purely spiritual attribute. This sounds like the libertarian fallacy that freedom is absolute and ought never to be circumscribed. Perhaps there exists a utopia where one can do and say whatever one pleases, but I have not seen such a place.
Weaver the English professor was wrong to oppose literature to science because science is as much a part of the classical quest "to know thyself" as Pope's statement that the proper study of mankind is man. While genetics determines that there will be only one Michael Jordan, it still leaves one free to become a decent basketball player. While astronomy has judged that man is no longer the center of the universe, it has left untouched the notion that life on Earth is unique and mysterious. While neurobiology has uncovered the influence of brain chemistry on behavior, it has by no means relegated man to the status of pawn; man remains free to seek treatment and to live according to the knowledge of his limitations. Science (but not only science) could have proved to Weaver the narrowness of his entire approach: Man is not merely the sum of his ideas. Even rarer is that person who holds a rational and coherent world view.
Anyone who thinks that mystery and complexity have been diminished by science needs to take a look at the discoveries made during the past several decades in both the micro- and macro scale. Astronomy, quantum physics, and neurobiology have re-affirmed a pluralistic, mysterious universe. Rather than signal decline, these affirmations of variety could just as easily encourage prudence and humility -- and cultural invigoration. Yet Weaver remained pessimistic, convinced that every gain in science meant a corresponding loss in religion.
Weaver's dread of "machine culture" overlooked environmentalism, which existed since the turn of the century as a measured response to industrialization. Theodore Roosevelt created the national park system, Eisenhower created ANWR, Nixon created the EPA, Russell Kirk praised Rachel Carson's Silent Spring and lamented the loss of countryside ("what an age without veneration does to itself"). These were acts by conservative Republicans, but Weaver missed them too.
There is much to admire in this book: the need for equilibrium between rhetoric and dialectic; his dislike of war without limitation; and his description of the role that memory and sense of place play in identity and culture. He would have benefitted from applying the conservative's sense of proportion to his superficial critique of science.
The problem with this view is in mistaking the part for the whole. Although it is true that ideas have consequences, it is not true that only ideas have consequences. Every person is a kaleidoscope of thoughts, feelings, and experiences which often resist the rational ordering of intellectuals. Weaver repeatedly demonstrated the limitations of reason, logic, and dialectic, and the need for their counterparts, belief, feeling, and rhetoric. But when he tried to graft idea systems onto everyday life his conclusions seemed hasty and unconvincing.
For example, Weaver saw the automobile as another attempt by man to conquer nature. Accidents and deaths on the road were considered acceptable sacrifices to the machine god. Somewhere in this melodramatic point of view there is some truth. Speed, power, utility, and an exclusively economic view of man are not enough to sustain a culture or to fill a life with meaning. But where Weaver saw the dangers of "machine culture," and exaggerated them, he failed to see that there was a growing human response to his fears, specifically an entire movement that wanted to balance the needs of industry with conserving the environment. One indication was Russell Kirk's favorable review of Rachel Carson's Silent Spring. Regardless, the automobile is here to stay and to argue otherwise is to take up a hopelessly lost cause.
Henry Regnery described the University of Chicago professor as something of a gnome, holed up in his hotel quarters, emerging only to work. Perhaps a little more experience in the world would have tempered Weaver's intransigence and stark contrasts, such as his claim that educational progressives were the reincarnation of the ancient gnostics. I understand the point he is trying to make, but surely this is an operatic attitude to take. Here again I think Weaver got lost in a Platonic world of ideas.
Last, Weaver tended to turn any scientific gain into another advance by scientism. Granted, he lacked the benefit of the knowledge acquired during the past five decades in, for example, physics, astronomy, and neurobiology. But I would argue that these fields, rather than diminishing man and the universe, can lead to greater prudence, humility, and self-knowledge, all virtues which Weaver cherished. In addition to their obvious practical gains, decades of scientific discovery have reaffirmed man's complex individuality and opened the door to a universe of unimaginable variety. Their affirmation of pluralism and mystery could just as easily lead to cultural invigoration than to the cultural decay Weaver equated with man's conquest of nature.
Caveats aside, there is much here to admire, such as Weaver's discussion of rhetoric and dialectic and the need for equilibrium between them. He is persuasive on the point that the modern version of war is total in its methods while nebulous and unlimited in its aims. Although I don't share Weaver's sense of a grandiose battle between good and evil in the realm of ideas, I do share his sense of the need, in warfare and other matters, for a return to a proper sense of scale and proportion.
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Here Weaver surveys the literature of the South from the postbellum era and shows how a variety of writers, from soldiers,journalists, and lady diarists to poets, novelists, and scholars, regarded the traditions of civility, gentility, piety, natural order and individualistic self-sufficiency the South so valiantly defended in the War Between the States. Weaver, though he expresses a discernible point of view in this matter, does not let partisanship hamper his responsibilties as an honest scholar. If he sees some logical fissure in the thinking of one of his featured writers, he notes such unflinchingly. He also permits the voices of dissent from the prevailing orthodoxy in his study, most notably those of Walter Hines Page, George Washington Cable, and Henry Grady, among others, who would, to one extent or another, qualify as Southern liberals. Yet Weaver concludes that even these apostates found much to commend and preserve in the Southern tradition and thus did not denounce it totally.
This is a fascinating study, eminently and surprisingly readable, exhaustive but never exhausting, and well worth the time and attention of anyone truly and seriously interested in the "mind of the South."