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This book is invaluable when your nonprofit is going through any form of strategic restructuing, up to and including mergers. As someone who has participated in nonprofit merger negotiations--both as a consultant and a board member representing a nonprofit--I believe this book can make the difference between success and failure.
Not only does David La Piana talk the talk in this book, he has also walked the walk. As an Executive Director of a nonprofit for many years--and having successfully led that organization through several mergers--La Piana understands the realities facing nonprofit managers and board members. His approach to strategic restructuring is pragmatic, and has enabled his consulting firm to become THE experts on nonprofit mergers in the country.
Even if you're just thinking about restructuring your nonprofit, buy this book!! You will save your nonprofit time, money, and energy, as well as protect your own sanity during the process.
Shawn Reifsteck (Masters in Nonprofit Administration)
CEO, Philanthropy Associates
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The research alone quoted throughout makes this book a valuable resource, but combined with an engaging writing style and top-notch structure, it promises to secure Barlow and Durand's position as authors-to-beat when it comes to the field of Abnormal Psychology.
Also this text is an example of a beautiful job of "book making". The text has many color plates -- and a high quality printing job.
Before Beveridge is a welcome addition to the literature about welfare before the state intervened in Britain. Contrary to the establishment history books which used to argue that the benevolent state stepped into a welfare vacuum, a number of studies have challenged this claim with books and scholarly articles demonstrating that the working classes were more than capable of providing education and welfare for their families by themselves as individuals and in groups long before the administrative machine moved in.
In this slim volume it seems that the editor and the staff at the IEA Health and Welfare Unit have rather abdicated the case for individual enterprise in welfare provision to those authors who put forward the view that in reality this provision was available to a select number of the working classes and the unorganised and the poor were not able to avail themselves of the opportunity. The so-called liberals appear to stand aside in the face of the attack and do not attempt to join battle with those propositions. I find the papers of Whiteside, Harris, Vincent and Thane to be particularly well researched and argued as well as persuasive given the paucity of David Green's paper especially.
The weakness of the writers who suggest that there was indeed a need for the intervention of the state in bringing welfare provision to the neediest in British society is the determination to overlook the evidence that many of the disenfranchised working classes who did not belong to either friendly societies or trades unions were determined to provide education for their children regardless of their personal circumstances. The fact that individuals of limited means were capable of identifying, by themselves, often without any education of their own, options for the betterment of their children over the longer term and were prepared to forego current onsumption to pay for it speaks volumes which significantly undermines the position supporting the need for state involvement.
This is a very thought provoking book which adds substantially to the lierature and which colours the debate about welfare provision more vividly than before. I would heartily recommend the book to sixth form and college students of history and social policy as well as practitioners of the black arts of social policy and policy-makers in general.
Before beveridge is a welcome addition to the literature about welfare before the state intervened in Britain. Contrary to the establishment history books which used to argue that the benevolent state stepped into a welfare vacuum, a number of studies have challenged this claim with books and scholarly articles demonstrating that the working classes were more than capable of providing education and welfare for their families by themselves as individuals and in groups long before the administrative machine moved in.
In this slim volume it seems that the editor and the staff at the IEA Health and Welfare Unit have rather abdicated the case for individual enterprise in welfare provision to those authors who put forward the view that in reality this provision was available to a select number of the working classes and the unorganised and the poor were not able to avail themselves of the opportunity. The so-called liberals appear to stand aside in the face of the attack and do not attempt to join battle with those propositions. I find the papers of Whiteside, Harris, Vincent and Thane to be particularly well researched and argued as well as persuasive given the paucity of David Green's paper especially.
The weakness of the writers who suggest that there was indeed a need for the intervention of the state in bringing welfare provision to the neediest in British society is the determination to overlook the evidence that many of the disenfranchised working classes who did not belong to either friendly societies or trades unions were determined to provide education for their children regardless of their personal circumstances. The fact that individuals of limited means were capable of identifying, by themselves, often without any education of their own, options for the betterment of their children over the longer term and were prepared to forego current onsumption to pay for it speaks volumes which significantly undermines the position supporting the need for state involvement.
This is a very thought provoking book which adds substantially to the lierature and which colours the debate about welfare provision more vividly than before. I would heartily recommend the book to sixth form and college students of history and social policy as well as practitioners of the black arts of social policy and policy-makers in general.
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It's a good book on a subject on which there aren't too many good books. Another one in its class is William Sweet's _Idealism and Rights_, which is also excellent but specifically devoted to Bosanquet.
The two of them more or less take turns -- Vincent writing on Green, Bradley, and Bosanquet, and Boucher writing on Ritchie, Collingwood, and Oakeshott, and the two working together on Jones (on whom they've cowritten an earlier book). Each is a respected scholar in this field; each is a reliable guide and expositor.
This focus on political theory strikes me as a good idea. For one thing, it gives the reader new to idealism a way to get a handle on these philosophers. For another, it makes clear that the British idealists really _did_ have social issues in mind and _weren't_ just philosophizing in a vacuum. For a third thing, the range of political opinions represented here makes clear that metaphysical idealism doesn't, in and of itself, commit anyone to any particular political theory or outlook (a lesson that needs to be learned by some present-day libertarians who think Hegelian metaphysics is a recipe for totalitarianism).
These two gentlemen write clearly and well. Oh, they misspell the last name of my favorite philosopher Brand Blanshard -- as "Blanchard" -- but that's not as unusual as it probably should be, and I forgive them. At any rate, the exposition is sound and thorough, and each of their subjects is placed in his proper historical and philosophical context; Bradley, for example, is discussed largely in relation to Henry Sidgwick. And they are not, let's say, subjected to any undue reverence; we meet them warts and all.
It's well done. I recommend it to any reader who wants to learn more about idealist philosophy in general and British idealism in particular.
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