As a progressive activist, I immensley enjoyed this anthology of movers and shakers in the GLBT movement. Introspective, energetic and visionary, they remind both allies and GLBT people although much has been accomplished, there is no shortage of public policy issues to focus their work on. AIDS, securuty clearances, lesbian feminism and dual identity conflicts of GLBT people of color are issues that will not go away until we deal with them substantively.

While I was famillar with some names... I was introduced to several unsuing heroes and role models. My only regret is that the book tended to gloss over instaces where the movement was not doing as well as it could have been. I believe this would have made some of the anthology more coherent. There are gaps which take away from the individual policy papers.

Even if I understood the National Gay Task Force eventually bevame the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force to disadvow sexism, other readers might not be aware of the reason for the name change. More information on the Romer vs. Evans decision (which invalidated Colorado's virulently homophobic Amendment Two), a real victory at a time when the Supreme Court has no shortage of conservatives. The authors simply assume that people know the important bits and pieces that give the riveting stories meaning and importance. Given their backgrounds, this tendency is both troubling and unusual, little is accomplished by preaching to the choir

Still, the format of this book means it can also be used as a college textbook on GLBT issues and theory. Thus it is important to consider the book's above mentioned flaws as a fair description rather than a deliberate pan. Flaws and all, this book is recomended for anybody who wants to know what the "newest" civil rights movement has and is doing to improve American society.

The author, Amy Hoffman, writes about her friend, activist Mike Riegle, with whom she shared a long history of activism in the gay community and elsewhere. When Mike became increasingly debilitated by AIDS, Hoffman agreed to serve as the person to make health care decisions for him, and spent much time helping him negotiate his illness, along with other friends in the gay and lesbian community. I thought this book was great on my first reading of it, but a second reading really revealed to me the concise and intelligent way in which Hoffman artfully delivers the complex and painful truths and ambivalencies of her life and the lives of others. One theme explored in this memoir are the importance of the "created" family of friends in the gay and lesbian world, and how this family is often illegitimized when the "real" family shows up for a crisis...or a funeral. Another has to do with the real difficulties in loving other people,despite your pledges to them, especially when they are demanding and irrational--and they are dying, and you feel that you should be acting like a saint! I found this book particularly meaningful, having recently lost a dear (and complex and difficult)friend to AIDS, and working with feelings of guilt at not having done enough for him, but I think other readers would also enjoy it for many reasons, including its caustic wit, well-articulated rage, innovative narrative structure, and relevance to lesbian and gay lives. I recommend that you buy this unique, original, and affecting book, and encourage the author to keep on writing!

Schulman is right. This is American History. And since it's not in the textbooks, someone like Schulman has to put it out there in print.

Schulman writes passionately about gay and lesbian issues. About the Lower East Side. About AIDS. Schulman cares about her world and it shows in her writing. I enjoy her novels but her essays are where she shines. She's an incredible essayist and an inspiration to me.

Sarah - It's time for another edition of this book. As you wrote, this first book was Volume 1.

This book is a polemic by an author with a narrow mind. As a gay man, I resent mightily her insistence that if you don't see issues HER way, you have no place in the Gay movement.

On the one hand, Vaid expresses a "sincere" desire to reach out to others in the Gay Lesbian movement. On the other hand, she silences those, like the great Bruce Bower, who disagree with her.

Vaid, an activist, lawyer, and former head of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, provides an ambitious and richly detailed analysis that is equal parts memoir, critique, and manifesto. For Vaid, the "mainstreaming" of the gay rights movement hasn't been a good thing. She questions how much the prevailing paradigm of gay political activism -- the seeking of legal rights and protections by working within the traditional political and judicial systems -- has actually achieved. Vaid worries that the movement will be co-opted by money and a desire for "insider" access. She argues passionately that gays and lesbians, as well as other sexual minorities, must work in coalition with other progressive groups to "supplement the limited politics of civil rights with a broader and more inclusive commitment to cultural transformation."

Vaid's style tends to be chatty and the chapters a little long-winded, though she is always sincere. Her book will resonate most with academic/queer/left types who are persuaded that gays and lesbians form a distinctive subculture in search of "liberation," a subculture united not merely by sexual expression but also by shared sensibilities, political outlook, and experience of oppression. It will be less impressive to those who believe gays should (or already do) exist largely in the mainstream, or to those who suspect that writers like Vaid talk the language of radical democracy while prescribing a specific political and cultural agenda. (Readers in search of lively debate can read Vaid as counterpoint or antidote to the work of Bruce Bawer and Andrew Sullivan, or vice versa.) While I find Vaid's perspective fundamentally limited because it's grounded in the sort of old-style, two-coasts, radical-chic queer politics that's rapidly being driven out of business by the burgeoning, sophisticated, upper-middle-class movement being built by the Human Rights Campaign (exactly, as it turns out, what Vaid feared; think of her as your pioneering little local bohemian co-op up against the Pottery Barn of gay politics), and while the content is getting somewhat dated, this remains a useful, thoughtful, and important book on its own terms.

Vaid's account of her experiences in the gay movement is invaluable for the insights and lessons it offers. Should be required reading not only for activists and gays, but for everyone everywhere.

Where do I begin with this book, littered with writings by second-hand-dealers of information from holders of glorified government jobs (academics)? Armchair leaders, who would perish without the comfort of the Ivory Tower (Noam Chomsky). I should start by saying that such foolishness could only come from a university setting. In no other case would people spend so much time trying to talk away things that have been demonstrated to be foolish by the experience of others.

A few examples:

1. Manning Marable's article compares Booker T. Washington to Louis Farrakhan? Huh? Huh? Huh? This person is selling himself as a professor of history, yet he doesn't know that the main idea of what Washington said was to AVOID trying to find a political resolution to every single problem? Louis Farrakhan generates lots of heat but doesn't shed very much light on what would be *realistic* solutions to the problems in black America.

2. Empty Phrases used every third page or so, like "People of Color." Anyone who can read the Statstical Abstract of the United States knows that peole of color have nothing in common other than being non-white. The similarities stop right there in terms of income, incarceration rates and representation in "higher" professions. Everyone seems to have looked right past this in their quest to have some subjects to generate a leadership position for himself.

3. There are almost no specific numbers or studies here. So Howard Zinn will say things like: "We are wealthy enough for full employment and free education as well a free health care for everyone." But other countries (i.e., Canada and Britain) have found out that it is one thing to promise something and then quite another to support the bureaucracy that will carry this out. A systematic study of what has really happened in other countries that have tried these grandiose ideas might change the minds of these academics. But, as always, evidence is neither mentioned nor presented. But these articles are ALL very light in terms of their analytical gravitas.

Bottom line #1: Black America has been set back a good long way by relying on arguments like these presented in this book. If anything, reading this book has made me even MORE conservative. Bottom line #2: The government cannot legislate every problem out of existence. (See Sub-Saharan Africa/ China for textbook examples.)

This slim book is a nice introduction to a lot of amazing political writers. It is just an introduction and does not go into any real depth. At the cost, it is not worth it to get the hardcover. Get the paperback.