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As for the book itself, it covers only the first month of the war. Though it does go into some depth of the war's origins, the main focus is on the movement and action of the armies from mobilization day until stalemate is reached. Tuchman's research is exhaustive, and this is the definitive work on that period. When the book was finished, I was disappointed only because she didn't continue. I wish I could give this more than five stars. If you have any interest in history whatsoever, regardless of your field, you must read this book, because this is what history should be!
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Firstly, the writing is not up to par and I can only put this down to sloppy editing. Some of the oddest phrases in the book are so un-Tuchman like, that I imagine they have been written by a researcher and, for whatever reason, have managed to sneak by both the author and her editors. Tuchman is usually crisp and succinct. Some of this text is laborious and redundant; it's most surprising. Perhaps this first fault leads to the second, although not entirely. In "The Guns of August" and "The Proud Tower," Tuchman seems to be in very complete command of both her history and her sources. In "The March of Folly," one begins to wonder if she has not strayed too far afield and is rather unsure of her ground. So it appears to me, especially with reference to the beginning of the book, where she discusses both the siege of Troy and then the Papacy during the Renaissance, when she seems very shaky indeed. Or it may be that this apparent instability is founded on limited research and that that has been allowed to come through in the book. Whatever the reason, I find that the book does not live up to its promise, either conceptually or authorially.
The sections on the American Revolution and the Vietnam War are interesting in themselves, but one wonders at times, given the detail involved in both cases, if Tuchman is not actually off the rails. The fact that there is no stated plan at the beginning of the book (chapters and sub-headings and synopses, I mean) makes me wonder indeed, just how much of a plan she had. So I think you can read this book for its individual content (i.e., if you happen to be interested in the particular periods covered), but the disappointment overall is that the really first-rate text that one might have expected, does not materialise. I will say that the essay at the end is very Tuchmanesque and is a brave attempt, quand même, to tie the threads of the book together. Yet I'm unsure of just how far she can get away with a text that smacks so readily of invention and understudy, and in my opinion, the epilogue is hardly sufficient, by itself, to save the whole. I suppose it is just possible that she and I both got carried away by the title.
"The power to command" concludes the author, who earns high marks for being an independent scholar rather than an academic, "frequently causes failure to think. " Of course there are examples of individual folly, that is, folly committed by individuals. However, folly by governments is more far-reaching. Merely surrounding yourself with competent people, as apologists for George W. Bush boast, will not steer you away from folly: JFK had "the best and the brightest" working for him, yet he began to get the US deeply involved in Vietnam; fearing the right wing would think him soft on Communism, Johnson escalated the folly. It is principally for that Vietnam section, comprising over a third of the volume, that I recommend this book.
....
In The March of Folly, Tuchman does not shrink from harsh criticism of politicians. In the semi-mythical Trojan War, at least the gods could be blamed for the successful Greek ruse. The roguish, opportunist, nepotistic politicians of the Holy See, from 1470-1530, saw that they were doing wrong, but lacked either the sense or the courage to put it right and save the church. Those Renaissance popes saw the chair of Peter as a cash box for their personal aggrandizement, and a venue for their political exploits and carnal festivals -- but only because that was the way things had always been done. The British couldn't grasp that their American colonies consisted of people who, once having tasted of freedom, might be irked to have that freedom recalled and, at the same time, might not like their sweat equity in the new land become an entitlement for the lords.
The first three sections of The March of Folly are well and vividly written, a melding of historical narrative and commentary. I suspect that Tuchman couldn't wait to wrestle with the Vietnam War. Here her insight into the workings of policy makers from Eisenhower to Nixon is acute, yet dissected in an account that a layman can follow. One of the most interesting, and currently relevant, observations from Tuchman is prompted by a remark made at the time by Governor Nelson Rockefeller: "We ought all to support the President. He is the man who has all the information and knowledge of what we are up against." That, she says, "is a comforting assumption ... usually invalid, especially in foreign affairs." When pursuing liberty, America will wave its flag and invest its heart. But the current administration would do well to follow the second part of John Quincy Adams's dictum: "... but [America] goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy." Smiting terrorists for their actions is one thing, and one with an end in sight; aiming to smite terrorism, root and branch, worldwide, is not only endless, it is folly's march.
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As she chronologically moves towards the beginning of the Great War, specific countries and specific social issues are addressed. This works well, and makes for a fast-paced intriguing read. However, Tuchman devotes most of her energies to on the personalities and forces in Western Europe with little more than a cursory nod to Russia and Austro-Hungarian Empire. Turkey, Italy and the balkans are hardly discussed at all, and even then only as they relate to Western Europe. This is peculiar, given the disproprotionate influence these areas had on the causes of the eventual conflict.
The Proud Tower is nontheless a wonderful social history of fin-de-sicle Europe. A better read on the same time period - and one that has more of a Central European focus is Frederick Norton's Thunder at Twilight.
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This book is principally about the ties between Britain and Palestine. Tuchman starts covering the story of how the Jews got back to Israel with the earliest sympathies in Britain coming from
interpretations of the Christian Bible's Old Testament. She then describes the imagined connection between Joseph of Arimathea and Britain that began in the Middle Ages and goes on to cite evidence of Briton pilgrims to Palestine beginning as early as the time of St. Jerome, ca 386 AD. She then leads the reader through the Crusades and Middle Ages when at times there was a regular tourist service to the Holy Land. These connections were primarily concerned with the New Testament connection with Palestine. During the evangelical Christian movement in Britain of the 1800's, however, there again developed a connection with the names and scenes of the Old Testament. She shows how these emotional and spiritual connections melded with Britain's imperial interests and led to the Balfour Declaration in 1917 and then the British-led Palestine Mandate in 1922 for a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Imperial interests wanted a friendly and British controlled Palestine to protect the eastern flank of Britain's route to India through the Suez canal. By the 1930's the Brits were already tired of the job and were looking for some one else to dump it on - and then WWII intervened.
Unfortunately, Tuchman dropped the story pretty much in the late 1920's after telling how the Turkish empire got dismantled with only a few later events mentioned. That was quite a disappointment. I would like to have had her tell the story of how the idea of a Jewish homeland in Palestine got reactivated after WWII and how the dimensions of the Jewish and Palestinian areas were decided, what the commitments to the non-Jewish citizens were, and how the Jewish partisans forced Britain to get out of Palestine.
I do have to say that Tuchman's view of the whole of her history is very British. She cites very few Arab sources, not even the English Arab, Lawrence of Arabia, other to mention that he existed and was very active in negotiations on the part of the Arab interests. I had to keep reminding myself that Tuchman was an American educated in America as she gave very little perspective on views from this side of the big pond.
Regarding the work itself, the topic of Britain's relationship with Palestine and central role in the movement toward re-establishment of the Jewish state is fascinating. The canvas is broad, covering roughly 1,700 years from the original Christian communities in 3rd century Britain to the 1917 Balfour Declaration, which established the British policy of restoring the Jewish state to Palestine. The thesis is compelling, namely that the Balfour Declaration was the scion of twin progenitors--the Christian motivation to restore the Jews to the promised land as a prerequisite to the second coming of Christ and the imperial motivation to control the vital Mediterranean commercial route to India and the Far East. Interestingly, Tuchman makes it clear that, with several individual exceptions, these motivations had nothing to do with concern for the Jews but rather originated from the spiritual and temporal aspirations of Britain. The ebb and flow of the Britain-Palestine relationship makes for fascinating reading, covering topics such as the early Holy Land pilgrimages, the Crusades, the role of the British Navy in halting Napoleon's conquest of Palestine and the British role in propping up the Ottoman Turks.
Fans of Tuchman will immediately notice similarities to her later style while being struck by several glaring differences. Her almost lyrical, figurative style, while not as refined or prevalent as additional experience would eventually allow, is on display. For example, in describing the Turkish decision to seek help from Russia in fending off rebellion, she writes, "In his last agony, the Sultan, as a drowning man might clutch at a boa constrictor, accepted the help of his long-loathed enemy the Czar." Unfortunately, unlike her later works, Bible and Sword is plagued by an amazing number of relatively obscure literary, political and historical allusions that leave the reader with the impression of an unproven writer seeking desperately to provide evidence of her erudition. While this can be understood in the context of an aspiring historian without the typical credentials of a PhD and university professorship, it frustrates the non-academic reader, as is evidenced by an earlier Amazon review.
In the final analysis, Bible and Sword is a stimulating read, although unrefined in several respects. If you are looking to read only one or two Tuchman books, this is not the choice. But if you have an interest in the topic and/or a high level of interest in Tuchman as a writer, I highly recommend it.
With this said, her thorough coverage of the Balfour mandate starts not in the 19th century, but far back in the past, even before Britain first began to recognize the Christian debt to the Jews. Starting in the Bronze age, continuing through the Crusades, exploring Victorian ideals, and finishing with a thorough review of the events leading up to the formation of Israel, this book is nothing if not thorough.
For anyone who enjoys Tuchman's work, this book is no disappointment. For anyone curious about the convoluted and intricate relationship between Britain and Palestine, between Christian and Jew, this book is essential reading.
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This book is a collection of essays written by the noted Historian, Barbara W. Tuchman (e.g. "The Guns of August"), over the course of her long career. In my humble opinion, for the novice historian, the most interesting essays are, "The Historian as Artist" (pages 45-50), "The Historian's Opportunity", (pages 51-64). In these two essays, Ms. Tuchman challenges the budding historian to not only collect facts, dates and events, but rather to write History so the end product is as engaging as modern novel, BUT, based upon excellent scholarship. Ms. Tuchman is a proponent of "narrative" History, where the facts "...require arrangement, composition planning just like a painting - Rembrandt's 'Night Watch'" (page 49). These two essays would enhance any course in Historiography.
Some of her remaining essays are a bit dated, but provide keen insight into the times, as in Tuchman's "Japan: A Clinical Note", (pages 93-97). Her essays on Israel tend to be a bit chauvinistic, in the sense that the author's objectivity slips and she can find very little wrong with the budding Jewish state in what was once Palestine. The essay, "Perdicaris Alive or Rasuli Dead" (pages 104-117), is very entertaining, particularly if you are interested in New York's Teddy Roosevelt. All in all, the first section of this book, (called "The Craft"), includes essays that should be required reading for a student beginning graduate work in History.
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Tuchman was one of a few readable non-historians (William L. Shirer, John Toland) who outdid the stuffy academics. I particularly liked her coverage on Belgium's dilemma: either let the Germans march through, or fight them against overwhelming odds - you have 12 hours to decide. "The Guns of August" is gripping, tragic history at its finest.