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This must have been a difficult book to put together. The editors would have to have found not one, but four great authors from which to put together introductions for the hardest authors in all philosophy.
He succeeded. This book makes immediately explaicable two of the hardest authors in all history- Kant and Hegel. I was amazed at the level of commentary in this short a work. It is almost impossible to pull this easy an introduction off. My hat is off to both Scruton and Singer.
The other commentaries and introcductions were as good as they come. Because of the ease of Schoepenhaur and Nietzsche, the authors had more room to give reasonably complete explanations and ruminations on their lives. Janner and Tannaway both make superb additions to these traditions, both commentaries worthy of being works in themselves.
This is four times a good book. My respect to all the authors, and my full throated call for people to read these books.
There is a lot that could be called contentious in this book (too much to go into) but that isn't a bad point about any book on Kant- there are no uncontentious books on Kant except biographies. All told, what I disagree with Scruton on is overshadowed by the mass of things he got right or even better than I have (no mean feat).
It is assured Scruton's interpretations of Kant will become mainstream simply because he is the only man alive to make immediately intelligable sense of the man. Remember, Kant was the man HL Mencken attributed the incredibly funny comment
"Kant was the worst writer on earth before Marx. He had many ideas, and some of them quite simple, but he always managed to make them seem unintelligable. I hope he is in hell"
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This reference book goes much deeper than mere definitions in its discussions of everything from the philosophies of Kierkegaard and Heidegger, as they relate to political thinking, to such diverse concepts as "infrastructure," "political economy," and "due process." There are over 1500 entries in all, and each one sheds some light on terms that are bandied about, and frequently misunderstood, by politicians seeking support. There are also many other terms, some common and some obscure, that are discussed.
I think that any reader could benefit by reading the discussions under the aforementioned topics of "Liberalism" and "Conservatism." There might be some surprises awaiting that reader. There is a lot more, and sometimes a lot less, substance than is commonly understood about these political philosophies. Neither discussion fits the negative images presented by the opponents of each of these political philosophies. There seem to be negatives and positives to both.
There is also an excellent discussions on the subject of existentialism and its meaning in the context of late 20th century and early 21st century politics.
Just a few other ideas of what awaits the user of A DICTIONARY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT:
An excellent discussion on the subject of "education" as the process whereby a rational being is instructed and the political implications of this instruction.
A discussion of the concepts of a political party and what distinguishes a party from a faction.
There's much more to this dictionary which might be better defined as an encyclopedia. I think that, during any campaign year, this book, with its many definitions and concept clarifications should be at one's side whenever he or she is listening to any campaign rhetoric.
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In 1924, Czech novelist-playwright Karel Capek (R.U.R., The War of the Newts) visited England and sent his impressions back to his homeland. Much of what he writes is about the culture shock he experiences, but he describes it so humorously (I think Mark Twain is a reasonable comparison) that it's easy to miss his concerns about the results of modernization.
Wit abounds: he desribes block after block of houses that hue to the same fashions as if they were all under a curse, followed by another set of blocks seemingly under a different curse, following another fashion. He expresses amazement at how the bus drivers know where to turn (if you've ever visited London, you'll remember that street signs can be difficult to find), and how streets are not where anything happens, because they are only to -use- in order to rush home.
But at the same time, there is a bit of horror about England and its modernization. To us, 75 years later, the horror is not so obviously apparent, but it would have been to a Czech reader in 1925. And to us, even if we -do- look at it with Czech eyes circa 1925, we might drop into complacency, because so much of what Capek has written about still holds true and we might say "gee at least it hasn't gotten worse." But if Capek were to visit today, he might merely write a -longer- book, adding to what's already here.
But it -is- an enjoyable book now, and was even then, as it went through several printings. Just, when you read it, try not to get swept up by his wit. This is not The Beverly Hillbillies, but an acerbic commentary on 20th century British life.
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Along the way, Mr. Scruton treats the reader to a profound and highly enlightening look at the foundations of modern Western and Islamic political ideology; where they came from, where they are going, and what has produced such hostility. The conclusion of the book is small, with some suggestions to "constrain" the process of globalization, thus minimizing the threat perceived by the Muslim world, but nothing more far-reaching than that.
I found this book to be both enlightening and somewhat frightening. Mr. Scruton's analysis suggests that the roots of the present hostility emanating from the Middle East are very deep indeed, and not likely to be ameliorated by any simple or easy solution. If there was one book that I would urge everyone to read, so as to understand the present world, this would be it! Please read this book.
On the other hand, revolt in Western societies seems to play right into the hands of what the poet, Robert Bly, calls a sibling society. Instead of a society dominated by adults able "to induct young people into the national culture, when loyalties no longer stretch across generations or define themselves in territorial terms, then inevitably the society of strangers, held together by citizenship, is under threat." (p. 82). The vast media domination, assuming the primary influence of entertainment values in areas that used to be under the sway of intellectual thought, produces a society which is easily seen by the rest of the world as dominated by "a dissipation that is both cause and effect of the sex-and-drugs lifestyle of the modern teenager." (p. 82).
The fundamental point in Chapter 3, "Holy Law," is perhaps stated most forcefully later, in Chapter 4, "Globalization," considering how the common financial situation determining the future of the demographic explosion has not escaped ancient attitudes. "There is no such entity as Iraq, only a legal fiction erected by the United Nations for the purpose of dealing with whichever individual, clique, or faction is for the moment holding the people of that country hostage." (p. 135). Any authority which previously existed in that area takes "no responsibility, and can be neither praised nor blamed, but exist merely as shields and weapons in the hands of those whose advantages they secure. This was made explicit under the Leninist system of Communist government, which was . . . shadowed by an office of the `vanguard party,' which exercised all the power but was wholly unaccountable for doing so.
"This too casts some light on September 11. The attacks were designed to wound the United States in its decision-making part." (pp. 135-136). September 11, 2001, was a near miss for the political parties who send people to the U.S. Congress. Only those who lack political clout in the ruling party would want to point out that the financial structures and Pentagon civilians harmed in that attack were among those least likely to throw lives away in the kind of fights which previously seemed unlikely for a government which normally, "When it fights on their behalf it does not drag them into conflicts that are none of their business but involves them in conflicts of their own." (p. 138). So when I look at the news, I'm still checking to see if the oil wells are safe, and who wouldn't? This book explains things that were in the news much longer than most people have worried about them, and some of the truth in this book hurts.
His work _The West and the Rest_ is a must-read.