This is an important book for future generations. The revolutionary work done by Pinochet and his advisors, copied not only in Latin America but the world at large.

It is also important that this book calls Pinochet by his real name, a Capitalist. These days anybody that doesn't agree with marxists-liberals is a fascist.

I'm still waiting to see how fascists implement free-market reforms like Pinochet did.

In summary: Pinochet is a Capitalist, fundamentalist if you will, who allied with the U-S during the Cold War, which was the fight between Capitalism and Communism. For a Latin American fascist look at Peron.

Wether you are in favor or against Pinochet it is important to get your facts straight.

this book is the greatist! thanks for the book Amazon

This book brings uncountable information not only about network operating systems, but also about network hardware. It is very easy to be read. But if you really want to learn about networks, this must not be the only book to buy, of course. Since it is written in an easy language, it can be read not only by the ones who already works with networking, but also by the ones who are willing to enter this field.

This book provides an excellent treatment of network fundementals from the perspective of a person designing or repairing networks. It is a good book for a person with little or no network experience.

However, there are limitations to the book that are not apparent from the description. First, the book is primarily about Novell networks. If you are looking for an in-depth treatment of other networks, this is not the book for you. Second, the specific hardware and software recommendations are few and far between for a book of this type.

I recommend this book for people wanting to learn about installing and repairing networks, particularily Novell networks. Just be aware of its limitations.

This book has left a bizarre legacy. Que's "Upgrading and Repairing Networks, Second Edition" is written by a different author (Terry Ogletree, though it bears Scott Mueller's name in significantly larger type), and its true sequel ("Upgrading and Troubleshooting Networks" by Craig Zacker) is published by Osborne. One can only imagine the intrigue that gave birth to these two rival heirs, and one can only wish that such events had not taken place, as this book is far better than either of its descendents.

Though a few years past its prime, Craig Zacker and Paul Doyle's "Upgrading and Repairing Networks" remains one of the best, broadest, most authoritative and most comprehensive guides to local area networking in print. Published prior to the certification frenzy, this book was designed to teach the journeyman technician both the theory and practice needed to perform effectively in a crisis situation. Subjects covered range from "the stuff in every book" (like the OSI model, hardware, and a plus/minus analysis of operating systems) to arcane but incredibly useful information for those new to the care and feeding of LANs (such as a chapter each on UPSes and tape drives).

I strongly urge beginners to the networking field to put in the extra effort necessary to get this book; its scope all but guarantees that you'll learn new and valuable information, and its tone and style make this knowledge fairly painless to obtain. Seasoned networking professionals might also consider picking this one up (especially at marketplace prices)... that is, if the copy they've relied on since 1996 has worn out.

The majority of the book was actually on the passage of desegratation. Very interesting though. It was a wake up call of how our judges create law rather than interpret it. There were many other instances of government social engineering interlaced among the main story.

In *The New Color Line: How Quotas and Privilege Destroy Democracy*, Paul Craig Roberts and Lawrence M. Stratton argue compellingly that Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, the landmark Supeme Court decision that struck down the "separate but equal" doctrine established by Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896, was a product not of sound, impartial legal reasoning but of extra-constitutional judicial activism based on sociological theories and good intentions, with disastrous long-term consequences for America.

The progression of legal precedents that the authors trace from the Brown decision through the 1990s proves the long-term danger of reading law non-literally or "in the light of changing times." The1964 Civil Rights Act, the authors show, was especially harmful. Its vices aside, it had this virtue: it was clearly intended, as evidenced by the Congressional record and the plain language of the Act itself, to prohibit racial quotas. Yet to no avail. In the judicial atmosphere of the time, encouraged by the Brown decision, the Act meant anything a judge declared it to mean. Determined to ensure disadvantaged groups not just equal rights but rights to equal results, increasingly activist judges gave to minorities and women, in flagrant judicial usurpation of powers that properly belong to the legislature, a host of new privileges at the expense of the legitimate rights of white males--or of anyone who wishes to succeed in life on his own merit, for that matter.

I have two significant criticisms of the book. First, while the authors include a voluminous bibliography of articles, books, court records and government documents, there are few actual citations. This aggravating lack of footnotes makes it difficult to do research to check the book for distortions, thereby diminishing, in my eyes, the authors' credibility. Stratton, an Adjunct Professor of Law at Georgetown University Law Center, should know better given the vitriol that such a book as this one is likely to elicit from critics.

Second, the authors' political philosophy is rooted in conventional conservatism, with all its flaws. As their book's subtitle implies, their chief end is the preservation of "democracy"--meaning majority rule, minority oppression, whatever kind of benevolent spin they attempt to put on it. They thus cede ground to the collectivists and open themselves to attack on multiple fronts--such as that, whatever their assertions to the contrary, the Supreme Court is a fundamentally *un*democratic institution. Their belief in a strict constructionist interpretation of the Constitution is laudable but needs a firm grounding in individual rights to be effective.

For good political philosophy, I recommend Dr. Tara Smith's groundbreaking *Moral Rights and Political Freedom*. It is Roberts and Stratton's account of the Brown decision and its consequences that makes their book worth reading.

I think it telling that the ANONYMOUS reviewer on Feb. 2nd below seemed to have little to say about the book, but instead bloviated about the vast-right wing conspiracy. I doubt he/she read it - probably just some Democrat intern with little else to do.

This book offered an actual in-depth inspection of the danger of allowing the courts to rule - something the Founding Fathers warned about but continues to go on with barely a mention. I think the Founding Fathers would have been disappointed in our apathy. They fought a revolution for less.

First of all, what this book contains will not disappoint if you spent time on the core worlds. Most parties will eventually go there, and this book will help you as the GM make them come to life like you wouldn't believe.

Each planet is divided up into a player's and GM's section. The players section lists history, locations, and things of that ilk. The GM's section includes plot hooks and major NPCs. I think that more WotC books should implement this sort of organization, where a player can read through the book and not worry about accidentally spoiling something for him- or herself. The plots are interesting, and tend to involve whatever makes that planet unique (the shipyards of Corellia, for example). They are also divided along era lines, which is a worthwhile practice that should be continued in future WotC projects.

That said, the book does have a few flaws. First, the art, while good, is sparse. Each planet (Coruscant has the biggest section and is therefore an exception) has only one or two pieces, and they don't really give a suffient feel for the planet, leaving it up to the descriptions and the GM's knowledge. Second, the section on planetary histories is a little short for most worlds, usually constituting little more than a page. For some of the minor worlds (like Anaxes) this is permissable, but even Corellia and Coruscant are lacking in that regard.

In short, this book is worth getting (almost essential, in fact) if you plan on spending time in the Core, but not really if its a casual thing that you "might do someday." Its limited nature makes it less useful than, say, WotC's upcoming Ultimate Alien Anthology.

One of the most memorable things about Star Wars is in just how unique the worlds are, and that is definitely the case here. The worlds in this book have one thing in common: they are Core planets. Other than that, they are as different from each other as Hoth is from Tatooine.

This wonderfully illustrated hardcover book details no less than 29 Core worlds. Coruscant gets the most space at nearly 30 pages, and most of the other worlds, including Alderaan and Corellia, get three to five pages each. In general, each world has brief sections on its description, history, people, and important locations. Changes from the time of the Old Republic up to the New Jedi Order are also discussed.

At the end of each planet's profile there is a "GM-only" section for each world with adventure hooks and a selection of important NPCs. There are also several new species, six new feats, about a dozen items of new equipment, over a dozen new vehicles and starships, four new droids, and more new creatures than you can shake a stick at (my favorite was the fearsome Coromon Headhunter). Sadly, there is only one new Prestige Class, the five-level Seyugi Dervish.

While I really would have preferred to see a greater selection of PrCs, the book's other qualities largely make up for this deficiency. I should emphasize that while each planet receives a generous amount of information, it is by no means a complete description. The focus of the book seems to be on providing GM's and players with ideas for their own campaigns and characters, rather than on being an exhaustive resource.

As a GM I found the plot hooks and NPC sections to be the most useful. And boy, there are a lot of NPCs, over a hundred of them in fact. Even better is the fact that the plot hooks and NPCs are often connected to each other, which makes for easy adventure creation.

My main complaint regarding this otherwise excellent book is that some of the maps are a bit lacking. Specifically, many of them don't have a scale, which makes it difficult to tell if the map of this or that location covers hundreds of meters or dozens of kilometers. The maps are also far too small for tabletop use, but a trip to the copy shop should solve that problem.

As others have pointed out, a GM would probably get the most use out of this book, especially in a Core-based campaign. Of course, a player could still find this book to be a valuable tool for fleshing out the background of a favorite character. Even so, there is so much variety, information, and so many ideas in this book that I'd recommend it to anyone. Overall I'm giving Coruscant and the Core Worlds a very strong 4 out of 5.

And besides, what campaign could possibly be complete without the main characters visiting Coruscant at least once?

The collaborative effort of Craig R. Carey, Chris Doyle, Jason Fry, Paul Sudlow, John Terra, and Daniel Wallace, and specifically crafted to be compatible with the Dungeons and Dragons game's d20 system, Star Wars Roleplaying Game: Coruscant And The Core Worlds is an information-packed reference filled from cover to cover with memorable characters, exotic locations, vehicles, alien creatures, story ideas, and much, much more. Configured and organized so that even the most novice Game Master can create a memorable Star Wars-themed role gaming adventure, Coruscant And The Core Worlds is an excellent and faithful guide, and a very welcome addition to the growing library of Star Wars related role-play adventure resources and references.

I read this book because I was studying the economic changes brought about by the Reagan victory in 1980. I've seen many favorable and unfavorable mentions of the "supply-side" theory, so I was looking for an account from a true supply-sider. This book fits that need. It desribes the immediate intellectual origins of the policy (but not the fundamental long-term origins). It then describes the political battles that went on in the legislative and executive branches from 1978 to about the end of 1981. I enjoyed reading how the free-market Republicans, Keynesian Republicans and liberals fought it out behind the scenes. These battles shaped the relatively vague "supply-side" theory into a specific government policy. This book is a good view into those years and provides perspective to the more recent government tax and spending issues.

I'm giving this book three stars because it is very good at one thing, even though it is bad at most everything else. Intended as a primer for a civil libertarian view of certain troubling legal trends, The Tyranny of Good Intentions fails on that level because it wears its bias on its sleeve in some staggeringly conclusory statements (for instance, blaming publicity-hungry feds for genocidal butchery against David Koresh) while failing to back them up. No one who reads it and is not already convinced of the book's thesis could be converted by this supposed entry-level book.

And for those already committed to the cause espoused by the authors, this book contains little in the way of useful reasoning. Its avowed purpose is to contrast Jeremy Bentham's utilitarian version of law, which it states is in force today, with Blackstone's absolutist version of civil liberties -- but instead of defeating Bentham's arguments, the authors call him names and say Blackstone's version of law is more traditional (i.e., older). There are good arguments to be made against weighing peoples' civil rights against a general societal benefit. For instance, whenever it's done and individual rights are made to yield to the public good, it seems that the public doesn't benefit. But the authors do not discuss the contrast they claim they are making between absolute rights and utilitarianism; they just say utilitarianism loses, make fun of it, and move on.

Considering the two levels on which The Tyranny of Good Intentions is supposed to work are two on which it fails utterly, I find myself surprised to be giving in three stars. But there is a level on which it is extremely useful. The authors' research for emotional arguments to replace the logical ones they do not make has revealed a large number of concrete examples of injustice done to real, named people under the present system of proescutorial overenthusiasm. While these are reported in the conclusory style I so deplore, they are useful beginnings to my own researches, and they make for splendid talking points.

There are people out there to whom the potential for abuse of governmental power is purely theoretical because they have never heard of anyone who actually suffered. Properly used, the examples in this book can raise awareness that not only can government get out of hand, but it has. No one who learns of the Depression-scarred doctor who kept cash in his shoeboxes, and had it seized when he tried to give it to charity, will look at drug forfeiture the same way again. No one who hears of the pizza restaurant forced to clean toxic waste out of a landfill because some of its boxes were found in it will be an unequivocal supporter of the Superfund.

For all its many faults, The Tyranny of Good Intentions will raise the level of skepticism about government power, and for this alone it is worth the three stars I give it. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance, and this book is an inspiration to pay this price.

This rather unassuming book is one of great import. When the same book is endorsed by Milton Friedman and Alan Dershowitz on the same page, it is one not to be taken lightly.

The book started off with the cornerstone pieces of the Anglo-Saxon law - mens rea (criminal intent), non-retroactiveness of new laws, presumption of innocence until proven guilty, sanctity of attorney-client privilege, property rights, and went on to cite laws and legal cases, some of the very high-profile, that helped chip away the these cornerstone pieces and made the law no longer a guarantor of constitutional rights. This dangerous practice of eroding the "Right of the Englishman" is, according to the authors, a result of well-intended, but poorly thought-out legislation and over zealous government prosecutors, who were driven by political ambition, pressure of revenue and even personal enrichment.

It is frightening development. It is hard to believe that this country has allowed its cherished legal system to deteriorate to one that, in essence, is no different than that of a police state - one that prosecutors could at will use the full force of the government to break any individual, sometimes by threats, lies and confiscations. Most people will dismiss this notion as alarmist, until they read what this book has explained and chronicled. After 9/11, the Ashcroft regime seeks to greatly enlarge federal powers to fight terrorism, but that inevitably be at the expense of our cherished civil liberty. We should all be vigilant about what is being done. History has taught us that some really bad things that are done with good intentions are very, very hard to undo.

Reading this book forces me to revise my opinion on those who had been vilified by the prosecutors and the media, like Charles Keating, Jr. Leona Hemsley and Michael Milken; as well it dims the much-heralded Rudolph Giuliani legacy. It also reconfirms that damages done by FDR's New Deal - the emergence of the administrative state, and his Court-packing initiative, not to speak of the unleashing of the welfare state.

The presentation of the book, unfortunately, seems to lack clarity and force, and the organization is somewhat loose. There are anecdotes abound, but they are not backed by statistics, and the reader has no idea if the outrageous prosecutorial excesses are 10% of the cases, 1%, or less. The book is otherwise very readable. I will recommend this book if only for the seriousness of the subject matter.

Excerpts from a book review by Nikos A. Leverenz in The Independent Review (Fall 2001)

The Tyranny of Good Intentions should make those who participate in our political and legal systems uncomfortable, if not self-loathing. Paul Craig Roberts and Lawrence M Stratton's principal argument is that what passes for "law" in the current civil climate is far removed from the "long struggle to establish the people's sovereignity" that dates back to pre-Norman England. Simply put, the law has been transformed from a shield that protects the people from the encroachments of government power into a sword that enables the government to lord over people. Those who are weary of the ongoing government assault on Microsoft and the tobacco industry or of the continued evisceration of civil liberties under the tutelary banner of the drug war should immediately recognize this transformation.

The Tyranny of Good Intentions highlights two broad areas in which the content and enforcement of the law now serve as a sword against what is loosely termed "the Rights of Englishmen": namely, "prohibitions against crimes without intent, retroactive law, and self-incrimination." First, the authors consider how government prosecutors, manifesting a win-at-all-costs mentality, sacrifice the quest for truth in order to advance their careers. Second, the adbication of legislative power to administrative agencies has eroded the Anglo-Saxon legal maxim "a delegated power cannot itself be delegated."

Those who are actively engaged in policymaking and law enforcement would do well to read The Tyranny of Good Intentions, even if it gives them only momentary pause in their assorted "public interest" crusades to leave hoof prints on the people's constitutional liberties.