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Webster's story - like Clinton's - is at once inspiring and frustrating, laudable and detestable. There is certainly an element of "Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde" in Daniel Webster, and the noted Jacksonian historian Robert Remini uses that split personality as the foundation in building this important biography of one of America's greatest and most unique statesman.
Webster's genius is undeniable. His many natural gifts, which even his bitterest enemies had to concede, earned him the highly flattering sobriquet "the Godlike Daniel." No private attorney has affected the course of American judicial history as much as Webster. With the ideologically sympathetic John Marshall presiding over the Supreme Court, he successfully argued nearly every landmark case of the early nineteenth century: Dartmouth College, Gibbons vs. Ogden , McCollough vs. Maryland. He also added his considerable talents to the defense of the Union, first during the South Carolina nullification crisis in the celebrated Hayne-Webster debates, and then in the twilight of his life as the debate over slavery mounted toward civil war he delivered an impassioned speech in defense of the Compromise of 1850. His many public addresses lauding the ideals and principles of the American republic - the Plymouth Oration, Bunker Hill Oration, commemoration of the lives of Jefferson and Adams - are legendary and were once memorized by schoolboys. When a Webster speech was anticipated in the Senate, the halls were jammed with attendees eager to hear history in the making. Indeed, as Stephen Benet notes in the classic The Devil and Daniel Webster: "You see, for a while, he [Webster] was the biggest man in the country. He never got to be President, but he was the biggest man."
But there was also a less admirable, more human side to Daniel Webster; an alter ego to the Godlike Daniel known derisively as "Black Dan." Addictions to alcohol and gambling were the duel crosses Webster had to bear through out life. These afflictions ensured Webster was chronically in debt despite a flourishing law practice. These debts eventually presented conflicts of interests and put him in compromising positions, which undermined his moral authority and ultimately cost him the White House.
It has been written that most great men are made by the events of their times, but a very select few would have been great regardless of time or place. Remini's splendid biography suggests that Daniel Webster is a strong candidate for the latter category.
Webster, though never achieving the presidency, deserves great credit for setting the tone of american government and the supremacy of congress that survived through the 19th century. Remini does a tremendous job exploring the early 19th century and the issues this second generation of american leaders faced.
Recent great interest in the revolutionary generation hopefully will not eclipse the study of those, like Webster, who came next and solidified the nacient insitutions that the founders created. If the founders were the fathers of our government, than men like Webster was that government's teacher in primary school.
A wonderful read, if you are really interested in the topic.
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Remini does not shy away from Jacksons many faults nor does he make excuses for them and he also shows how tender and loyal Jackson can be to those that were family and friends. Remini makes the case that Jackson was the most influential person in shaping the Presidency and government to the modern democracy it is today and I am inclined to agree with him. Jackson had certain convictions on government and policy and would not bow under pressure and reshaped the role of the Presidency despite pressure from Congress. I would definitely recommend this biography to everyone interested in Andrew Jackson as well as those interest in the evolution of our government.
Prior to Jackson's presidency, the executive office was much weaker. The designers of the Constitution, with their fears of strong central figures, had intended Congress to be the most powerful of the supposedly co-equal branches. Jackson, however, viewed himself as the sole representative of the people - the only person elected by a nation, not a region - and through various measures such as an expansion of the use of the veto, was able to shift the balance of power. Although the following presidents would be weaker, the presidency as an office had been redefined.
As the book begins, Jackson's second term was beginning and he needed to deal with South Carolina and the Nullification Crisis. Essentially successful with this problem, he also dealt with other issues, including his war with the Bank of the United States and bad relations with France. By many measures, his presidency was a success, but there were a number of negatives as well, in particular his treatment of Indians and his disregard of slavery issues. His appointment of Taney to Chief Justice would eventually lead to the Dred Scott decision. Remini finds more positives than negatives with Jackson, but he doesn't disregard the black marks.
Probably only Washington was as universally adored in his time as Jackson was, and unlike Washington, Jackson was a true man of the people, a populist who courteously met with rich and poor alike. Even after his retirement, his popularity guaranteed his continued political clout, and few Democrats defied his wishes while he was alive.
The three volumes in this biography are around 1300 pages (plus notes and indexes), but Remini is such a good writer that this is far from a burdensome read. There may be shorter biographies of Jackson, but there aren't better. Remini knows this era well (he also has written excellent biographies of Clay and Webster) and he brings it to life.
Jackson's accomplishments were extraordinary by any standards and some of them are quite ironic. He very much believed in states rights yet he probably did more to strengthen and expand the executive part of the federal government than any President until Franklin Roosevelt. Consider the following (all discussed in Remini's volume):
1.He was the first President to use the pocket veto. He was the first to use the veto power for nonconstitutional reasons. We are so used to our Presidents using the veto because of policy disagreements with legislation that we forget how much of a shift this was in the balance of power as envisioned by the original generation.
2.He reformed every department of the federal government and greatly expanded the bureaucracy as a result. He eliminated much of the graft that was rampant at the time and (at least, gave the impression of) greatly democratizing the civil service by making it more of a meritocracy. All this inevitably led to more people working for the government. A lot more people.
3.Jackson changed the relationship of the various Cabinet members to the President. He was the first to fire a Cabinet member because of a disagreement over policy. Up until then Cabinet officers and ambassadors, because their appointments had to be approved by the Senate, were regarded as being accountable more to Congress than to the President.
This is only a partial list of the ways that Jackson's Presidency changed the stature of the Executive branch of the government.
Jackson's ideology (as I see it) comes from him trying to work out the tensions between his state's rights philosophy with his military experience, which taught him the necessity of a clear uncontested chain of command with his love of and trust in the people. I will comment on only one portion of that dynamic. Like so many of our leaders, the tensions in Jackson's ideology led him into conspiracy theories. He believed in and trusted the American people to always make the right decisions (the ones he would have made) and almost always credited any electoral reverses to cabals acting to befuddle and delude the populace.
As a result, he became one of ablest early advocates of putting a good spin on the issues. Early on in his first term he helped to establish a newspaper that served as the official organ of the administration. Altogether, Jackson was a fascinating and maddening character.
I find myself greatly in the debt of Remini. Jackson has always repulsed me by his blatant racism and his paternalism. Remini has humanized Jackson quite a bit for me. I am more appreciative of Jackson's great accomplishments and I have learned quite a bit of the politics of the time. I will be reading Remini's book on Van Buren next along with Seller's biography of Polk. One of the ways that I evaluate the work of a historian is by how much they increase my interest in further reading on their subject and on the period in question. By this standard, Remini belongs to my first rank of American historians.
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Mr. Remini hits the high points (Jackson's origins, his role in the Revolutionary War, his courtship/marriage to Rachel Robards, his role in Indian affairs and the battle of New Orleans, as well as his two terms as President) in an efficient, informal manner. Stylistically, the book's contents are a broad brush-stroke, designed to provide a "jumping-off point" for the reader who is little-or-unacquainted with Jackson.
Once you complete this book, if you still don't feel up to the challenge of the 3-volume work, I recommend the one-volume abridgement of same, entitled "The Life Of Andrew Jackson" (ISBN No. 0060937351), which gives even more detail and background than this "introductory" Jackson biography.
By the time you read both of these, you'll be well ready to jump feet-first into Mr. Remini's classic multi-volume masterpiece and further indulge what will surely have become an even greater fascination with the Hero of New Orleans.
The book is an easy read and Mr. Remini is an entertaining writer. He packs an amazing amount of information into the 200 pages of this book. I am looking forward to reading his three volume biography of Andrew Jackson.
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The central issue covered in this volume ' indeed, the central issue in Jackson's political life, as Remini later concludes in Volume III ' is the presidential election of 1824 and the so-called 'corrupt bargain' between John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay to deprive Jackson of the presidency despite his commanding lead in the popular vote. For Jackson, it was conspiracy of the wealthy elites against a commoner, and it proved that the American republic itself was in mortal jeopardy. The defeat served as a catalyst for Jackson's passionate, almost obsessive commitment to 'reform and retrenchment,' which Remini weaves together with the character developed in Volume I. It was his quest to avenge the loss of 1824 (and the honor of the American people who had been swindled) and sweep the 'augean stables' of corruption and graft in Washington that led to the great democratic movement that bears his name. (It should be noted that Harry Ammon and other leading historians of the Monroe and Adams administrations stridently contest Remini's assertion that the Era of Good Feelings was actually the 'Era of Corruption.')
For those of you who puzzled over Washington's obsession with the Monica Lewinsky affair, you will be amused to read that the dominating issue of Jackson's first term was the reportedly lascivious nature of Peggy Eaton, the wife of Jackson's old friend and secretary of war. This so-called 'Petticoat War,' which saw the wives of other cabinet members and senior officials ' mostly notably vice president Calhoun's wife, Floride ' shunning social interaction with Peggy, literally ripped the cabinet asunder and very nearly toppled the government. Remini tells the story with verve and wit, which at times reads more like a Sidney Sheldon novel than a volume in a definitive presidential biography.
The central issue covered in this volume - indeed, the central issue in Jackson's political life, as Remini later concludes in Volume III - is the presidential election of 1824 and the so-called "corrupt bargain" between John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay to deprive Jackson of the presidency despite his commanding lead in the popular vote. For Jackson, it was conspiracy of the wealthy elites against a commoner, and it proved that the American republic itself was in mortal jeopardy. The defeat served as a catalyst for Jackson's passionate, almost obsessive commitment to "reform and retrenchment," which Remini weaves together with the character developed in Volume I. It was his quest to avenge the loss of 1824 (and the honor of the American people who had been swindled) and sweep the "augean stables" of corruption and graft in Washington that led to the great democratic movement that bears his name. (It should be noted that Harry Ammon and other leading historians of the Monroe and Adams administrations stridently contest Remini's assertion that the Era of Good Feelings was actually the "Era of Corruption.")
For those of you who puzzled over Washington's obsession with the Monica Lewinsky affair, you will be amused to read that the dominating issue of Jackson's first term was the reportedly lascivious nature of his secretary of war and old friend John Eaton's wife, Peggy. This so-called "Petticoat War," which saw the wives of other cabinet members and senior officials - mostly notably vice president Calhoun's wife - shunning social interaction with Peggy Eaton, literally ripped the cabinet asunder and very nearly toppled the government. Remini tells the story with verve and wit, which at times reads more like a Sidney Sheldon novel than a volume in a definitive presidential biography.
In this second volume of Remini's biography of the seventh president, Jackson rises to the pinnacle of his power, though it is by no means easy. First, there is his health: having abused his body over the years in war and duels, Jackson was not in good shape and probably spent the last decades of his life in constant pain which only his vast willpower could overcome.
In 1824, Jackson ran for president and despite getting a plurality of the popular and electoral votes, wound up losing to John Quincy Adams that makes the 2000 election seem non-controversial in comparison. Getting cheated (as many felt) would lead to a second, successful campaign in 1828, but even this had a high price, as the slander he was subjected to due to the dubious circumstances of his marriage would emotionally wreck and eventually lead to the death of his wife.
The second half of the book focuses on Jackson's first presidential term, ending with his election to a second term. In many ways the first populist president, Jackson redefined the role of the presidency by expanding the power of the veto (rarely used previously and only in limited circumstances) and attempted to clean up the corruption left over from the so-called "Era of Good Feelings."
Remini is a great biographer and this book is every bit as great as the first volume. He holds back few punches when it comes to Jackson's negatives, especially his treatment of Indians and his tendency to dwell incessantly on little things (such as the Eaton affair). Nonetheless, this is a generally positive biography, as Remini demonstrates that despite the view that Jackson was an ignorant backwoodsman manipulated by his aides such as Van Buren, Jackson was both intelligent and independent.
This is the definitive biography of Jackson. If you want to learn of the man or the era, this is a must-read.
If you're like me you know exactly three things about the War of 1812. First, that Dolly Madison saved the White House portrait of George Washington from being burned by invading British troops. Second, every kid who ever went to summer camp knows the great Johnny Horton song Battle of New Orleans. Third, that the battle itself took place after the peace treaty had been signed ending the War, but before the combatants had been informed. That was seriously all I knew until I read David Nevin's novel 1812 a couple of years ago (see review). You may know more. If so, more power to you. Should we know more? Remini makes a compelling case that we should.
In addition to doing an excellent job of narrating the events of the battle, he argues that the victory was the moment that really made America a nation. The elements he cites include not merely the fact that it produced a future President, but also the confidence building importance of a citizen army winning a battle against the professional troops of the great British Empire, as well as the fact that this overwhelming defeat made the nations of Europe begin to take the United States seriously as a player on the world stage. In fact, he goes beyond this to argue that New Orleans was actually the nation's first military victory, discounting actions like Saratoga and Yorktown as mere surrenders. It is, of course, possible that he overstates this case a little, having such a vested interest in Jackson's career.
On the other hand, he raises an excellent and little understood point about the War. It was one of only three wars in our history where our existence as a nation was truly threatened (obviously the Revolution and the Civil War were the others). We've fought all kinds of skirmishes, minor brush wars and mopping up operations--Mexican, Spanish-American, WWI, Korea, Vietnam, Persian Gulf, etc. And we like to kid ourselves about the threat that the Nazis posed in WWII, though by the time we got in, they were already toast. But really there were only the three conflicts where the United States as we understand it could have perished. If we understood that fact better, perhaps we would pay more heed to the events of 1812-1815. As is, Remini has done his part to capture our attention with this excellent little book.
GRADE: B+
The British campaigning is well recounted, from attacks at Mobile Bay to the laborious transfer of troops through the Louisiana bayous, to the final disastrous assaults on entrenched American lines. This book is informative without being overly-dense to a newcomer to the material. A must-read for Americans who've let the battle and its significance slip from the national consciousness. Remini does pay a bit of lip service to the British by doing some research on their commanders and setting them in the context of their career paths. He also wraps up by noting that the Battle of New Orleans was, for decades, seen as a defining coming-of-age moment for the young American republic, it launched Jackson to the White House and was the final and true declaration of independence for newly-empowered Americans.
However, Remini's unabashed flag-waving and affection for his hero create some awkward passages. Time and again he gnashes teeth at British arrogance and nearly weeps at the ragtag nature of the American army, held together by the immense will of great Jackson. At times the book borders on hero worship and veers away from analytical political/military history. So that in the end, this is a readable and interesting history, but a flawed one. An informative ride to the gates of New Orleans, but one taken from the American side.
Yet the Battle of New Orleans, as the author argues, perhaps was the event that convinced hostile Europeans that America was here to stay as a free nation. I would not completely agree with Remini's contention that the Battle of New Orleans was America's first major victory over European arms (he dismisses Yorktown and Saratoga as mere surrenders doing in my opinion a disservice to the aggressive American commanders and troops who did fight and convincingly beat the British at Saratoga). The author makes a case that this neglected Battle of a forgotten war earned our country the grudging respect it would need to grow unmolested over the next few decades.
That having been said, the book is a very well written account of a stirring and fascinating story. General Andrew Jackson, after defeating the Creek Indians and punishing Spanish Florida for aiding that foe as well as the British, leads his American volunteers to Louisianna to defend against the expected British move on New Orleans.
The British proceed to the bayous of the Mississippi delta and engage in another European style campaign against wiley American back country fighters. One wonders why the English high command did not learn the lessons of Gen. Braddock's defeat in the French and Indian War or numerous defeats during the American Revolution. Doctrinaire plans and rigid troop handling along the lines of European war were not very successful against citizen soldiers who know how to use their weapons with skill and fight from behind cover.
Using first person sources to illustrate the events in December 1814 to January of 1815, Remini gives voice to the events and people who helped make New Orleans a stirring American victory. Unsurprisingly, this biographer of Jackson paints a good portrait of the man whose talents and traits were sorely needed by our side in facing British regiments who had recently faced down Napolean's best troops. The hodge-podge of defenders are given colorful treatment. The pirate Laffite brothers and their outlaw band who manned our artillery, backwoodsmen in buckskin (giving the name the British used for our troops -- 'dirty shirts'), freed blacks, Creols and New Orleans first citizens all manned the barracades to await the onslaught.
The British, with their straight ahead determination, poor avenue of attack and lack of planning aided the American cause. But Jackson earned much of the glory that surrounded his victory. He cajoled troops and supplies, built a well fortified line, attacked before the British were all up and ready and worked to keep together an army that in reality was more like today's UN peacekeeping forces than a coherent American corps.
The battle scenes are well told, particularly the Jan. 8th main assualt in front of New Orleans. Remini's writing is good enough that the unfamiliar (to most) details of an unknown battlefield come alive in the reader's mind. So do the personalities on both sides. His descriptions are aided by three very good maps that allow one to fully picture the terrain.
This book is a quick read. The author tells just enough of the main charactors to separate them from one another in the story without bogging it down with a lot of background. The battles themselves come alive and are given a full description and dramatic rendering. You'll enjoy this book.
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Jackson's life was as wild and as adventurous as a Hollywood movie. This material is the stuff of exciting history and the author's accounts of Jackson's brawls, scrapes, wars and political fights make for great reading. Remini also does a good job of pointing out the contradictions that formed Jackson's personal and political personae, and explaining how this most unique of Americans came to dominate the politics of his time by greatly changing the idea of the presidency.
Jackson's rise was improbable. Orphaned as a teen and possessing all the faults of a frontier hothead, he managed to apprentice himself to a lawyer and took himself and his profession to the wild American west - Tennessee. In a milieu where aggressiveness and action were more highly valued than process and rules, Jackson quickly assumed the role of one of the leaders of this new territory. From the beginning, Jackson's political acuity was in evidence as he aligned himself with one of the two major factions in Tennessee. This gave him the opportunity to receive the patronage and position that a talented man like himself would build into a most impressive career.
Jackson the military man was a daring and impressive strategist. His "move and hit" dictum set him apart from many generals of his day and won laurels in the Creek War and in helping to relieve Spain of Florida. His sophistication as a military leader was revealed during his masterful defeat of the British before New Orleans. Jackson took a defensive position for the first time in his military career and allowed the British onslaught to waste itself against his line and batteries. He resisted the possibility of sallying forth when the first British units arrived before him and after what was obviously a crushing repulse of the British army after the battle. His patience won America new respect around the world and ended on a high note a war that had seen America's new capitol city sacked.
With that signal victory, Jackson possessed a reputation and stature that led him to the White House. His administration literally swept into power, redefining America in terms of policy with the elimination of the national bank and the government's debt and in terms of personnel with his "rotation in office" philosophy (more popularly and properly known as the "Spoils system.") His most signal achievement in office was to make the Presidency for the first time the preeminent branch of US government. Jackson was the first president to use the veto on policy grounds -- prior presidents had issued just eight vetoes and only when they thought acts of Congress were unconstitutional. Jackson used the veto to make the president a legislative force in his own right, forever changing the nature of policy and law making in the United States.
The book wonderfully chronicles Jackson's political struggles and the issues created and faced by his administration: nullification, tariff, Bank of the United States, and foreign policy to name a few.
More than just a good story, Remini uses the fascinating acts of Jackson's life to explain his perspective, political philosophy and moral guideposts in remaking America during his time.
I was glad the author produced this 400-page abridgement of his massive three volume Jackson study. It's a very good work that balances nicely between major events and analysis. The only hint that this is an abridgement is that the author occasionally repeats declarative sentences within a few paragraphs of each other. I suspect in his larger work these statements were separated by pages instead of paragraphs and functioned as an appropriate introduction and summary to a facet of the story the author was exploring. A minor quibble and the only reminder that this is a re-write. Otherwise, Remini's style is very readable and makes this important study a joy to read.
This is a careful condensation of Remini's 3-volume work on Jackson that incorporates the result of more recent scholarship and research. Remini describes our 7th President's struggle to overcome his reputation as a violent and vengeful man who was almost a social outcast in Western Tennessee.
Remini analyses Jackson's shortcomings, which include some very human mistakes, and his inability to bring Texas into the Union. Emphasizing that Jackson "served the American people extremely well" by preserving the integrity of the Union, saving the government from misrule, and liquidating the public debt, Remini shows why Jackson was more popular when he left the White House than he was when he went in. Don't look for an in-depth political treatise here but you will find sufficient material to give you a well-rounded, sympathetic look at a complicated man in an equally complicated time.
It's not meant to be comprehensive -- you'll find that in the larger work -- this is meant to be what it is. It's a fascinating, readable and entertaining story of how that political turn-about happened, written by one of America's foremost biographers.
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