I purchased this particular book, since the entire book talks about the village my ancestors lived in. They left in 1853 to emigrate to America. No one in my family has been able to ever find any information regarding this village.

This book is simply a delight for me to read. Opening a window to the past: finding how my ancestors lived; their beautiful surroundings; with very interesting information how Oberschopfheim came into being; with it's developments through out the centuries.

I am also interested very much in WWII history. It is a very interesting to see how the Nazi's influenced such a small village. This question has always been in my mind, and now I have an insight into the WWII atmosphere, created by the Nazi's.

Since I have been searhing for information on Oberschopfheim, the discovery of this book has been an answer to a prayer for me. Once, I was about to give up with my search, but now I feel like a have a real understanding of the passage of time in the village. I am so grateful for such a wonderful book!!!

Either way, if your approach is getting information of this particular village, or for an insight into the impact of the Nazi's, this is a wonderfully written book.

My thanks go out to Mr Rinderle, and Mr. Norling!

Walter Rinderle (Vincennes University) and Bernard Norling (Notre Dame) have written one of the most conscientious possible reconstructions of life in a small Catholic town of 2,800 gnarled and busy souls before, during and after the period of Nazi power (1933-1945). The town is Oberschopfheim located in southwest Baden and the joint authors depict all aspects of the daily life, toil and vital interests of the town's citizens.

The book is based on the Oberschopfheim archives which "contained copies of correspondence sent and received and detailed information about such matters as agriculture, local government, the manifold endeavors and concerns of the church, the distribution of welfare, community discord, and the activities of the politice. The pastor, village officials, and ordinary citizens alike were generously cooperative." (p. 3) It is one of the most level-headed books about the whole period.

Here, for example, you have an account of the town's voting patterns in one of the elections. "The ingrained political responses of Oberschopfheimers likewise offered little to comfort the Nazis. In many German villages, both Catholic and Protestant, clerical influence on the voting habits of church members was so effective that it was sometimes positively embarrassing, producing results that approached in predictability those in post-1945 Communist states. In most elections in the 1920s only about half of the eligible voters in Oberschopfheim had bothered to go to the polls. Of those more than 80 percent routinely obeyed the pastor and voted for the Center (Catholic) party, thereby earning for themselves the sobriquet, "black nest of reaction." (pp. 95-96).

Here is another. "Contemporary Anglo-Saxon, especially American, writer frequently distort the history of people who live under any authoritarian regime because they assume that democracy is the natural, normal form of government anywhere, that the mass of 'normal' people everywhere admire and desire it, and that any deviation from it is some sort of civil disease of 'problem' requiring diagnosis. If one begins merely by noting the historical record-that some form of absolutism has been the usual mode of government at most times and places and that democratic experiments have generally been short-lived historically-then fascism does not appears to be a social sickness but only another variant of authoritarianism. At once, all sorts of human conduct in Nazi Germany and elsewhere becomes demystified. By focusing relentlessly on the most bizarre features of Nazi ideology and the most base cruelties of Nazi practice it is easy to forget that for the ordinary nonpolitical person day-to-day life in some authoritarian society does not differ markedly from that in a democracy. One must be wary of exchanging political opinions with others, to be sure, and a prudent individual should not attract attention to himself. One should also be careful to obey the law, since authoritarian regimes are usually less lenient to transgressors than are democracies. But these are not especially onerous restrictions to most conventional, nonideological persons. Even under the most strident despotism more of the time of judges and courts is spent dealing with taxes, licenses, applications, civil lawsuits, thievery, public drunkenness, brawling, and marital discord than with the persecution or enslavement of political dissidents." (pp. 133-134) Highly recommended.

I have read this book from a very personal view. Many events and persons that are described in the book I have heard from my parents. Many Informations of the history of my home-village I've heard the first time. Unfortunately the book is written in English. The content of the book merits also readers who are not able to read the book in English.

This informative book covers all aspects of terrorism - the warped psyches driving the murderous events, historical setting, goals, leaders and particularly the religious, ethnic and ideological forces behind terrorism. While 99.99% of all world terrorism has its roots in the Middle East, it has become a worldwide phenomenon.

Even more important than the barbarous acts, though, is the development of a framework within which one both justifies and excuses terrorism. Never before has the claim been made that it is morally permissible to kill innocent men, women and children for any reason. Never before have there been so many willing not only to forgive but also to forget these deeds done in the name of an esoteric idea.

Perhaps the most important development, and one discussed in detail, is the merging of Islamic fundamentalism and the Left throughout the world. In a sense it was inevitable: Both are virulently anti-Western, both advocate violence and both support
- and get support from - totalitarian regimes. Mainly due to the identification with the USSR and its support for Arab causes, the Left has moved steadily into an anti-Israeli/Jewish pro-Arab/Palestinian stand. One can trace both the physical evolution of Palestinian terror groups (unorganized local groups to world network) and ideological evolution (from local issues to global terrorist concerns). This is most evident in Europe, especially France and Germany. The two share a dubious honor: France is the intellectual home of modern anti-Semitism and Germany is where the logical fruition of these "ideas" was practiced.

Another danger of terrorism is that of disproportion. The number of people required for maximum damage has been steadily dwindling - from mass armies, to small units, to spies to ordinary individuals. Terrorism thrives because of this disproportionate power. This is a disturbing yet satisfying read and the author is to be commended for excellent research.

An important work for those familiar with the broad topic of political terrorism. The introductory essays by Crenshaw and Post delineate two different approaches to the study and comprehension of terrorism, with an eye toward its psychological aspects. Crenshaw summarizes the political and sociological approaches to complement the psychological dimension. The essays that apply these approaches unintentionally fall into the category of social psychological analyses of terrorist movements. Thus they reinforce the complexity of explanatory analyses and the interdependence of the social forces at work. Kellen's German study, Ferracuti's Italian essay, Sprinzak's Weatherman, Gurr's US contributions, and Rapoport and Kramer's Islam foci, all confirm the social psychological perspectives of political terrorism, despite their intended efforts to focus on the psychological dimension. In the next four essays by Bandura, Merari, the Herrmanns, and Sick the book approaches its original intent. In the concluding section Crenshaw and Post both acknowledge the inherent difficulties and questions of the psychological approach. The contributors represent many of the findings they already developed in earlier research and writings.

This book presents to its readers a clear foundation of the factors that lie behind the use of violence by groups, states, and/or individuals to gain their objectives.

The two primary articles in the book by Martha Crenshaw and Jerrold Post present two opposing views of the logic that lies behind political violent activity ("terrorists" activity). The case studies in the rest of the book support these two primary articles.

Any researcher in the field of political violence studies must have this book in their library.

I've used the system in this book for several years, and I have found it very effective, including for time changes of 8 or 12 hours. I am able to sleep through the night and to work without feeling like a zombie. It does require some discipline and the willingness to look a bit silly by wearing dark glasses at odd times(which once led to an incident in the Moscow subway when someone obviously thought I was blind). But it really does work.

German Youth Groups

Walter Z. Laqueur accomplished an important task in his book, Young Germany: A History of the German Youth Movement. This book, written in 1962, was the first to examine the German youth movements in the first half of the 20th century. Laqueur is a prolific writer, authored dozens of books, and has held faculty positions at numerous prestigious institutions. Laqueur has written on a range of subjects from the Middle East and Russia to his native Germany. Rarely does Laqueur fall short of his mark, he was in prime form for this book as well. His meticulous research goes the distance and provides insight for the reader with thought provoking analysis that is seldom less than thorough.
Laqueur grew up in Germany after the advent and pinnacle of the German youth movements. But through intricate detail and appropriate research Laqueur has accomplished the formidable task of mapping the German youth movement throughout the first half of the 20th century. Possibly the most outstanding characteristic of this book is the succinct, yet concise last pages of each chapter. Laqueur places events in their proper context to reiterate the objectives of each chapter, highlighting key points and contrasting specific youth movements. From simply reading the last one or two pages in each chapter one could learn a great deal about the German youth movement.
The German youth movement was never overbearing; peaking in membership at just fewer than 60,000 youngsters during its prime. The youth groups were not exclusive to any socio-economic class, but there was little diversity. Many of these organizations played a prominent role in cultivating German nationalism, fomenting a sense of community that was not always readily available, and creating a distinctly German middle-class identity. This last attribute was more of a byproduct than a tenet. The youth movements, "came into being as, and remained, an exclusively middle-class phenomenon (12)," which impeded its goal of "deepening the community of the people."
Laqueur spares few details in discussing the Wandervogel youth movement. This movement stressed a connection with nature through excursions into the wilderness of Germany, a revival of folk music, and a simplified philosophy of life. The youth movements gained popularity through charismatic leaders. There was no philosophical, political, or cultural bend to any of the groups. The groups thrived exactly because of this lack of specificity. They were universal, allowing people of any race, creed, or religion; there were debates over the Jews and women, but there were women youth movements and for some time Jews were allowed to participate in many of the German youth movements. The ensuing proliferation of youth movements is a credit to these factors, but also because of the autonomy of each group. Despite the political apathy of most youth movement groups, individuals were supposed to become more realized, independent individuals.
Laqueur recapitulates the reason why youth movements were successful in building their base,
"They (students) certainly felt some deep disquiet about the society in which they found themselves-the society of Wilhelmian Germany at the dawn of the century. They were depressed by its conventions, its artificiality and materialism; they felt an absence of human warmth and sincerity; and it was in response to these conditions that their groups were formed, and developed into social centers where they could find the qualities of life to which they aspired. (232)"
These same qualities that made the youth movement so enticing never realized their full potential. The discomfort with "artificiality and materialism" was often substituted by a romanticized view of the past; exploration of the present environment to affirm the individual was sacrificed to history past, and identification with the group hindered the maturity of many youth group members. Youth groups shaped the experiences of youths; even though they were not intellectual (in fact, many were anti-intellectual) the experiences of being out in nature, comradeship with other middle-class youngsters, and shared memories structured relationships and community.
The only place where Laqueur misses the mark is in the discussion of youth groups after 1933. Leading up to WWI and then WWII there is extensive citations and details on the functioning of the groups, but his study of post-1933 leaves something to be desired. It seems like another writer, the thoughts are disconnected, points not emphasized, and at times it appears that there are caesuras in the manuscript. Laqueur does an adequate job of explaining the circumstances that allowed the proliferation of the German youth movement. He explains the lacunae that the youth groups fulfilled in middle-class youths lives, the shortcomings of the generic youth movement, and details the popularity of more prominent youth groups that garnered attention during the first half of the 20th century. Anyone curious about the middle-class youths life in Germany prior to WWI up until the 1950s must read this book.

Goebbels - Mastermind of the Third Reich David Irving ISBN 1 872197 13 2 An Irving Biography of Joseph Goebbels is of interest for the light it sheds on each of them. Irving is well known for his ability to locate sources missed by others. His interpretations of the documents cause less admiration. Here, he has obtained much material from Goebbel's diaries that lay hidden in Moscow for nearly half a century. The book at times reads like a rather uninspired diarist too busy to sort out important events. For a historical work it is also surprisingly disordered. Irving possibly assumes that the reader is as immersed in the material as he is. It is frequently possible to wonder which year is being recorded. It is important for example that the events on page 388 belong in 1942. Page 390 is all about events in 1941, according to the references, but there is no indication in the text of such a step back in time. The page (390) is interesting for a contrast. Irving rarely tries anywhere to conceal a deep loathing for Churchill. Goebbels here, and in several other places, displays a reluctant admiration.

Irving is also out of step even with some of his subjects in the matter of visual cues. In two fat volumes about the war leaders Churchill and Hitler, both of whom lived surrounded by maps, Irving includes none. In this volume there are collections of photos clumped rather haphazardly. They seem always isolated from any relevant text, and are not listed in the contents or apparently included in the index.

The "Little Doctor" has a reputation as one of the worst in the nasty bunch who ran the Nazi regime in Germany. Irving underlines almost all of that reputation. The first half of Goebbel's life pointed nowhere and had little impact. It appears that he was a real socialist who became snared by the name National Socialist and remained attached by the magnetism of Hitler. From then on he came to resemble Shakespeare's Richard III to an extent that the original probably never did. As Gauleiter of Berlin he ran an operation where only the label distinguished the Nazis from the Communists and both had a strong resemblance to the ethics of Al Capone in Chicago at that same time. He retained his power in Berlin to the end, but when the Party came to government he became more highly visible abroad as well, with work on propaganda, including a film industry. His reputation as a liar rests on his being a very good liar. He knew when to tell the truth. If a lie was convenient and hard to detect he had no scruples. He could hold an audience spellbound for hours at a time. Would he have been able to hold an English speaking audience? Could he now hold any audience accustomed to TV attention spans? It seems unlikely. In a regime that was sometimes publicly prudish, his ill concealed sexual exploits and use of the 'casting couch' slowed but did not stop his ascent.

Having hitched himself to Hitler he became a spokesman for anti-semitism, which was not apparently innate. Curiously, Irving's Goebbels while growing fanatically anti-semite, was more pragmatic than most about trying to use internal unrest of oppressed nationalities against Stalin. Later he was the advocate of abandoning the usages of war against the West as well. Ruthless himself, he expected that of others. His children were killed rather than let them fall into the hands of the conquerors.

He unleashed the barbarians on Kristallnacht and poured venom over Jews everywhere thereafter. Other Nazis occasionally deplored the economic effects. Irving has maintained that Hitler was somehow cocooned from these policies. There is no doubt that Hitler was well aware of, and supportive of, plenty of other ethnic barbarities. Irving keeps himself in a similar cocoon. He never uses the word 'holocaust'. By repute he even denies the fact of the holocaust. One of his weaknesses as a historian is apparently an unwillingness even to explore the implications of facts he clearly knows. He is however well aware of the large scale slaughter of Jews that did occur. It is referred to in several volumes about WWII, without elaboration. In this work the knowledge of the scale is available to the reader as it was to the Nazi leadership. On page 388 it is mentioned that early in March 1942 Goebbels noted the content of a paper probably to do with the notorious Wannsee Conference. There were "still eleven million Jews in Europe" and 'for the time being' they were being sent East. On the same page, a [Goebbels] diary entry states that sixty per cent would be liquidated while "only forty per cent can be put to work." Goebbels may have done the arithmetic as he was dictating his diary. He would appear to have had no illusions either about the brutality of the entire process. Irving is obviously not inclined to pursue the mathematics or any other inconvenient detail. Over six million callously planned deaths meets most definitions of a holocaust. It is a book to plough through. Where Gray could ponder about some 'mute inglorious Milton' at rest in a country churchyard, this century has a nightmare of Eichmanns who had their opportunity. The contagion of horror is visible on pages 370 and 371 where Irving casually slips into Nazi usage and refers to "cleansing of Vienna" [of Jews], without any quotation marks. It is a book worth borrowing, but when the same material becomes generally available there is a better book to come. The holocaust denial industry is the major casualty of the book, and that demolition its most important content, but the author seems not to have noticed.

The Kirkus Review of David Irving's "Goebbels" could not have been more one sided if it had been written by Doctor Goebbels himself as a review of a Jewish author's book. This well researched book, and it's author, have been the subject of a smear campaign because the author has had the audacity to blasphem a religion.

If a person were an ordinary atheist, he would probably be allowed to freely enter Germany and Canada. However, if he were to examine and attempt to publicly debate the religiously significant number of six million, which is now called "Shoah" and a cornerstone of the Jewish religion, he will probably be imprisoned if he does so in Germany or half a dozen other countries. David Irving is probably lucky just to have been banned from these countries.

Yes, this is a look at Goebbels that gives him more depth of personality than is usually politically correct. But to have such an out pouring of hate focused at the author after he has provided us with the new perspective is indicative of the same mentality that had persecuted unpopular beliefs all through out the ages.

In his biography of Joseph Goebbels David Irving has provided some masterful and provocative insights into the inner workings of the Nazi hierarchy. However, the book is sometimes confusingly organized and Irving's use of the present tense when describing past events can be irritating and seem a bit amaturish in so seasoned a writer.

With these caveats in mind, this is still an important book and necessary reading for any student of World War II. Mr. Irving is neither a Holocaust denier nor a proponent of the Nazis or their ideology; he simply has a different point of view. It's amazing how vociferous and censorious the academic history establishment can become when their 'established' truths are challenged; and in this book, Mr. Irving has done just that.

The book is one of a large number written by German Officers after the war. All of these books were of some interest but had one fatal flaw. That was that the germans had little knowledge of what was happening in Russia and the dynamics of its defence. Most books from this time tend to have a common theme. Masses of Russians coming from every where and it was all Hitlers fault.

The book has large slabs of Hitlers dialogue in it. This was fairly interesting. The inclusion of the dialogue was included to show his irrationality. The reality is somewhat different with Hitler appearing from time to time a bit obsessed but in general terms having an idea of what was happening and a quick mind for detail.

The book fails at times trys to limit the armies responsability for a number of war crimes including he order to execute without trial Russian party officials. This part of the book lacks any conviction.

The book is of some historic interest but scholarship has passed it by.

The ONLY reason I bought this book was because I found some of the discussions between Hitler and his staff interesting. I had read Guderian's 'Panzer Leader', which featured some of this. There are many accounts about Hitler's misdeeds, but it is interesting to read of him discussing minutae about various fronts, battles, and personalities. Even though Adolf Hitler was an evil man, he was still a human, as this book shows. The rest of the book, which is mainly General Warlimont's observations on various military happenings on different fronts, I found rather dry. P.S. Readers who want an interesting side of Hitler should read the fictional 'Hitler's Niece' by Ron Hansen, about his early political days and his weird relationship with his niece Geli.

The book is interesting for the student of World War II, since it gives a good account of life at Hitler's headquarters, the ambiance and the point of view of the general staff on the strategic situation. However, there is a lot of emphasis on the bureaucracy and organization of the German Army, and on the power struggles inside the General Staff, which I found not very interesting. You often get the impression that the author views the war more as a professional challenge, without expressing his opinion on its political and strategic implications.

Walter Meyer's memoir, Tomorrow Will Be Better: Surviving Nazi German, speaks out to inform the world that the horrors of the Holocaust were not an exclusively Jewish experience but that it also included Hitler's own German people as well as other non-Jews. Many scenes that the author details have been chronicled many times in books and documentaries about the Holocaust, but these are familiar to the world as exclusively a Jewish nightmare. Meyer informs the world that this is a misconception. His voice helps to create a more complete picture of atrocities suffered by "millions of humans," not at the hand of the enemy, but by his very own government. Meyer reminds the world that Hitler was brutal in his quest to eliminate "any opponent of the Third Reich, regardless of race, religion, or nationality."

Meyer was arrested during World War II and, after botched escape attempts, sent to the Ravensbrueck Concentration Camp, where his weight declined to eighty pounds and he contracted tuberculosis. Realizing that if he didn't escape, death was certain, he devised a plan, and survived by sheer determination.

Meyer has been a resident of Austin, Texas, since 1963. He earned doctorates in History and Philosophy of Education, Psychology and Human Sexuality, was Assistant Director of the University of Texas' Center for International Education, and taught languages as well as philosophy. He has represented a number of Texas Governors as Ambassador of Good Will. He served as an interpreter to President Lyndon Johnson, and painted His Holiness Pope John Paul II on commission.

This book was a finalist in the Nonfiction Category of the Ninth Annual Austin Writers' League Violet Crown Book Award and honored with a Special Citation for Nonfiction in 1999.