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Because of his father's career as a diplomat during the American Revolution, John Adams probably had the best education in foreign affairs of any statesmen in early America. While charges of nepotism haunted Adams, it was money well-spent in terms of results. Adams was posted to Prussia, Russian and Great Britain during the Napoleonic War. He managed to secure a peace treaty with Britain which was threatening to send over the Duke of Wellington to resolve the war of 1812.
As Secretary of State, Adams established the principles that later became enshrined as the Monroe Doxtrine. His vision of Western Hemispheric solidarity was designed to allow the new American Republic to stand up to the more powerful nations of Europe. Adams did much to establish anti-colonialism as the hallmark of American Foreign Policy up to the Second World War.
The job of Secretary of State was seen as the springboard to the presidency in the "Era of Good Feelings." Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe had held this office. The rise of Adams was overshadowed by that of Andrew Jackson. However, given the nature of politics at the time neither he nor Adams were able to achieve a clear victory in electoral college. The inconclusive results of the election of 1824 led to the ultimate decision resting with the House of Representatives. When the fourth runner up and Speaker of the House, Henry Clay was in a position to decide the outcome.
The result was the famous "corrupt bargin" in which Adams came in as president and Clay was appointed to be secretary of state. The hint of "political hanky panky" undermined the presidency of John Quincy Adams. There were a number of good ideas proposed, a national university, a system of observatories, internal improvements featuring a national network of canals and roads that would have opened up the west and promoted greater regional ties and interdependence. Unfortunately these good ideas were ineffective against the charisma of Jackson and the political machinations of Van Buren, the first national political boss. The presidency of John Quincy Adams was ineffective against well-organized congressional opposition.
Beemis is excellent on all points. He correctly assesses the highlights of his career. This is intended to be a scholarly biography, not a popular representation. The level of detail and the flow of the narrative may drag at times, but this book is well worth the effort.
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The book takes up in the midst of his presidency. Beemis wisely assesses Adams's presidency as a low point in his career as an American statesman. The focus of the book is career as a congressman, his one foray into the world of popular politics and he performed magnificently.
While in congress the crucial issue was slavery. Adams, like his father, detested the institution. While not an abolitionist, Adams's concern was the effect that this "peculiar institution was having on the politics of the republic.
The justification of slavery seemed to occupy the focus of the southern delgations to Washington during this period. One of the innovations designed to halt discussion was the so-called "gag order" which prevented any petition addressing the subject of slavery to be automatically tabled. While not having the reputation as a popular politician, Adams realized what was at stake by this measure. To maintain slavery, fundamental rights were being sacrificed. To this son of the revolution this endangered all that had come before. If congress could limit the right of petition, it could limit other rights granted by the constitution, something that all branches of government were willing to accept.
Luckily for the future of the United States, Adams was a stubborn fighter who relished the conflict. This book charts his efforts to overturn this measure and to make the government accountable to its citizens.
During this period Adams also defended members of Amistead revolt, fought for the establishment of the Smithsonian Instition (congress had predictably squandered the original bequest), opposed the growth of slavery. Ironically Adams's reputation was more effective as a congressman than he ever was as president. He died in 1848 denouncing the Mexican War. He was carried from the chamber of the House of Representatives by his fellow congressmen, among them Abraham Lincoln, a moment of great symbollism.
Professor Beemis again demonstrates his mastery of his subject. While a distiguished scholar of American diplomatic history, he displays a great grasp of domestic affairs that his often lacking in those who are specialists in this subject.