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The sound is lush and the musical selection fresh, appropiate,and excellent. Naparstek's voice and reading so hypnotic and flowing--one of the most perfect voices in all of the self-help field. A rich warm COMFORTING voice that seems genuine--believable--not overdone. She never once stumbles or falls out of context in either tone or pitch and her pacing is masterful.
Together they made the visions I was having on the first listening take on a very movie like quality. Relaxing yet at the same time holding my interest all the way through.
The approach in both the guided images (side one) and the affirmations (side two) is fairly direct while prudently avoiding re-traumatization through too much digging up and repeated reliving.
I came away refreshed and with a curiously pleasant feeling that some of these things may work out after all.
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Ross' work opens with perhaps one of the great ironies of the Cold War: by 1946 the U.S. military, arguably the most powerful armed force in history at the end of WWII, and certainly the most well rounded, had been gutted to the point that it was not only incapable of defending Western Europe, it was largely incapable of even slowing the U.S.S.R. down. At the same time, there is the puzzling dichotomy of a military forced to rely on atomic weapons to compensate for a lack of conventional forces, at the same time that they have no idea how many weapons are available, and only a dim view of their battlefield utility. Thus, the first plans Ross discusses, are defined by a complete withdrawal from Western Europe, and a WWIII fought from the Middle East. The initial phases of such a conflict would entail an evacuation of continental Western Europe, a reinforcement of Great Britain, and securing the Mediterranean theater of operations. At the same time, atomic attacks would attempt to pound the U.S.S.R. and its satellites into submission. In the final phases of this scenario, the Allies would drive into the Soviet Union from the south, through the Caucuses. This final element is interesting in that it draws far more on the maneuver theory so prevalent today, than do the latter iterations of the plan, which presage the defense in depth of later decades.
It would excessive to give an overview of each additional scenario, but there are a few developments in the following years that often define the remainder of the Cold War era. The first is that the arms race is defined at a very early date; aside from the use of atomic weapons, Ross repeatedly mentions contingency planning for the development, and presumable use, of chemical and biological weapons. Along those same lines, the direction of nuclear war was pretty much set by 1948, as the first target of atomic bombs became the enemy's atomic bombs. Thus, in the span of three years, atomic bombs went from being a decisive weapon, to a non-factor (although it wasn't recognized yet) as all battlefield utility (e.g. counterforce) had largely been removed from their employment. This likewise dovetails into the internecine strife that often characterized the service branch turf wars of the Cold War. In particular, the Air Force/Navy battles become apparent as the Air Force argues that atomic war is the primary task in any future war, rather than one of many. In addition, although it is never explicit, the refusal to mount a first strike becomes implicit in U.S. military planning at this point. Finally, Ross' discussion of the fears for terrorism and subversion in the U.S., including the use of unconventional weapons by Soviet agents strongly echoes the fears of a post 9/11 world.
Ultimately, the need to shore up European allies in the newly formed NATO brings planning full circle, as the Joint Chiefs are forced by political requirements to plan for the defense of Europe. This, when combined with the Korean War, finally begins the process of funding that will allow the U.S. to have at least a reasonable chance of defending Europe. Thus, in five years another full circle is achieved as the military is gutted to achieve a political expedient, only to be rebuilt in order to achieve a different one.
In the end, Ross has done an excellent job of compiling numerous primary sources into a through, cogent and readable volume. His considerations of budget constraints versus planning necessities serve as a constant grounding for the work, and his exploration of the challenges of atomic planning is both interesting in and of itself, and critical to understanding the development of America strategy. This is a must read for any student of the Cold War.
Jake Mohlman
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This book does shed light that there were many authors and many different Scrolls buried, like they are today, when worn, had errors or were unfixable. Caves would be an ideal place to bury them so the pagans could not get to them. What did surprise me was to learn that some of the laws mentioned in the Scrolls were also mentioned by Philo. Another detail was that the Hebrew Scriptures found in the caves, and much of the commentary, is the same as the Scriptures used today by the Jews. However, the Hebrew Scriptures from the caves is over 2400 years old and is remarkable to see it in such good shape.
I recommend this book for anyone that is serious about learning the true meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls and would like to understand their spiritual connection to the people not only of that time period, but in our present lifetime.
However, in many ways Habermas is idealistic and even naive when it comes to his views on national identity. On one hand he recognizes the importance of nationhood and its components of 'a common origin, language and history'; he nevertheless puts too much emphasis on his concept of 'constitutional patriotism', or the patriotic feelings towards the members of a republic no matter their racial/cultural/religious membership. He seems to think that the U.S. is a great example of constitutional patriotism in action, claiming that 'there, everyone can live with two identities, simultaneously belonging to the country and being a foreigner in it'. What he bases this statement on is unknown to me: not only does this statement show how ignorant Habermas is of the U.S. but also how idealistic constitutional patriotism really is. He does not really attempt to delve into the serious question of how a political community just based on patriotism and not nationalism would hang together.
In the end I guess I would only really recommend this book to diehard Habermas fans.