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Maybe the best chapter concerns profits and censorship. It's no news to point out that the networks and advertisers are in it for the money. But it is news to point out those instances when producers actually forego profits for the sake of respectability. Parenti details instances when industry has eaten losses rather than jeopardise the system of wealth and power it serves. For example, Procter & Gamble, TV's biggest advertiser, makes this allegiance clear by banning all content critical of Wall Street and the Pentagon from scripts it sponsors. In fact, most scripts - as Parenti shows - go through not 1, but 4 levels of censorship. No wonder, the public walks around in an ideological haze wondering why the world hates us -- and so much for the dollar sign's being more important than the system of which it is a part.
Another telling chapter concerns one of entertainment's most popular myths: "We only give 'em (the audience) what they want." Sounds good. But, as Parenti documents, despite this appeal to democratic ideals, the entertainment marketplace is anything but democratic. He sketches out control points or nerve centers that reduce real choice to pseudo choice, sort of like a multiple choice question whose options are narrowed to a desired range of outcome. All this is made sorrier by indications that American audiences respond to forbidden topics on those rare occasions when they seep through.
No book that debunks the FBI's screen role in the civil rights movement, or points out the class conditioning behind TV's version of Treasure Island, can afford to be overlooked. Whatever the book lacks in depth is more than made up for in focus. Despite his unperson status, Parenti remains a key figure among dissident academics banished to the book-selling fringes. Recommended to all those who understand TV viewing as anything but a passive pastime.
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Post cold-war and especially during the Clinton administration, the USIA became the mouthpiece of NAFTA and the evangelization of people in other countries of the benefits of accepting American-style economies. This very brief book outlines much of this history and the author Nancy Snow makes it clear that any positive aspects of the program like the Fullbright program have been long buried under the pro-business propaganda machine of the Clinton and Bush the Younger administrations. The Fullbright program in particular became a tool to influence thought on market economics in Mexico and Canada, whose citizens were ambivalent about the promises of economic development promised by NAFTA.
Today, much of the USIA's work has been rolled into the State Department, headed by former advertising executive Charlotte Beers, who is charged with "rebranding America to the world" like the Uncle Ben's Rice she used to work on. The USIA is one of the vehicles of US economic and cultural hegemony, especially in countries that we can't go to war with. Snow's history and analysis ends with an action plan that is wider reaching than simply what to do with the USIA. It is really a series of concrete ideas for reforming the very government of our country.
This institution was created with very good intentions (increase mutual understanding between people), but was diverted from its original goal and streamlined as a propaganda machine to promote the US economic system and business interests.
The author rightly stigmatizes harshly the democratic deficit in the US: a media monopoly, a political duopoly ruled by big business and big money, and a plutocracy which dominates without control public welfare, public lands, public airwaves and the pension trusts.
Prof. Snow proposes a seven point plan to restore true democracy, but the implementation will be extremely difficult, if not impossible.
This book should be read as a classic example of how particular interest groups take control of a public institution and turn it into a pro-private interests mouthpiece.
Not to be missed.
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The book begins to fail when the author starts linking to the "general conspiracy theory" that an unidentifed group of individuals/corporations are actually ruling the world. In my opinon this devalues the text in that these theories of conspiratorial efforts have been in effect for generations. The problem is that they are attributed to varried groups that, more often than not, are violently opposed to each other.
Read this book for a background on how the actions of our businesses and government have set the stage for radicals to plan and execute an attack on America.
In a small book like this one, the author could not develop the deeper reasons, which, he beliefs, are behind this horrible attack and why the US is so hated in certain parts of the world: the US military interventions and the military aid to protect the various ruling oligarchs and multinational corporate investors, to destroy reformist movements, labour unions, peasant organizations, democratically elected reformist governments.
In a nutshell: the imperialist goals of the US to create a global hegemony (a world of client states).
Although his analyses are globally right, he should have paid more attention to the fact that the attacks were carried out by Muslim fundamentalists, who were partially (the Taliban) financed by the US.
Like Gore Vidal, he fulminates rightly against the massive US defence budget, the biased media, monopolistic free trade, big money corporate capitalism, religion laced with violence and intolerance and environmental damage.
This is a harsh, but much needed, pamphlet, because it lays bare some undeniable facts, which are crucial for world politics.
Not to be missed.
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In the US for the wealthy few, not the many. The many are besieged in their own country by the few.
The few control the democratic process via a political duopoly and a near media monopoly. This monopoly brings another one in mainstream media ideology.
Michael Parenti is deadly right: democracy is based on distrust, not on yes-men who preach the same gospel.
The many are also besieged through the US budget, where a very big chunk goes to massive defence spending with juicy contracts and fat margins.
This book contains for me some extremely surprising facts. So is the First Amendment protection not valid for private-sector employees. They can be fired for their political views. Also, foreigners can be denied a visit to the US for ideological reasons.
On another level: Bill Clinton, like Jimmy Carter, is a member of the Bilderberg group.
I have nevertheless reservations for some extreme viewpoints of the author.
I agree with him that the market is not free, but more or less rigged by oligopolies. But I don't agree with him on his totally anti-market stance. Only, the oligopolies should be broken.
I am equally not against transnational companies. On the contrary, I agree with Susan Strange that these companies are one of the major sources of higher living standards in the world, through their delocations, investments and technology transfers. I agree that this is (was) in their own interest, but the effect is the same (Adam Smith revisited).
I am also not against GATT. It should be changed from within. We need more open markets for all countries and all players.
As other writers (Domhoff, Vidal) stated: it will be very difficult to change the actual situation. Therefore we need Michael Parenti's voice for more democracy.
This book deals with essential problems and has the same high standard as the vitriolic books of Gore Vidal. Not to be missed.
Parenti looks at all branches of government, and what they really do for Americans. He tells the real job of the President, and how the economy really runs. Parenti goes on to remind us that the rich are the ones that are in a Democracy, not the lower class Americans. He ties this in with the media and how they shift things to make a certain group look better, instead of telling it without bias. How they always do this no matter what the cause or problem is. Overall, this book is wonderful. I think anyone that really wants to know about America's secrets should read this. The insight that Michael Parenti gives is immeasurable.
Michael Parenti did it, a great well-organized book which step-by-step examines everything revolving around our life, from the media to the economy, to the politics, and relates it to how all these three strangleholds on society are manipulated and/or owned by capital and corporations. Parenti also confronts capitalism as an "system without a soul or humanity" which reduces every human activity to market profitablity. This book really does go to the core of America and emphasizes that democracy has not been achieved, that democracy is only for the rich and the owning class, from the two-party system where both parties are pro-corporation, which supresses left wing ideology by various ways in history, as well as tactics still being practiced today. Overall, this book is a summary of all the problems that are happening in the US that most of the rich do not know or want to admit are happening. I recomend this book as a vivid overview of the supressed problems in todays society to any open minded reader.
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He notes that any kind of Marxist perspective, even the use of the word "class" will not be tolerated in the media any longer. When Marxism is mentioned, it is excoriated as a failed system, and the notion of "class" is reviled along with this characterization. He points out that Marxist predictions have been more right than wrong, however. The creation of a worker's paradise through the withering away of the state never materialized, but his observations about business cycles and recessions were correct, as is his prediction of capital concentration, the growth of the proletariat and the increasing misery of the working class, the need for capital to chase around the world looking for new peoples and materials to exploit.
He suggests that the capitalists have made a monopoly culture in their own image through the funding of the arts, universities, the promulgation of legalistic views of the lifeworld, control of the media, medicine and healthcare. He destroys the "tales" that we have either pluralism or "democratic capitalism" as promoted by "free markets." He notes that rich live at such a remove in terms of social distance that they might as well be living on another planet and thus cannot hope to promote such ideals. And yet, the ruling class promulgates the tale that worthy members of the working class may some day attain this same lofty perch through hard work and pluck, when if fact there is very little movement between economic segments (or classes, as they used to be known before mainstream sociologists changed the terminology to make it more "neutral"). All proof to the contrary, this canard of the "rugged individualist" still enjoys the support of the media, and many Americans.
But is this a conspiracy? Here's a little known but appropriate quote from Abraham Lincoln (circa 1837) that speaks to this, as quoted by Parenti: "These capitalists generally act harmoniously, and in concert, to fleece the people..." For those who would point out that 20th century capitalism and early 19th century capitalism are incommensurable, he quotes a critical study of David Rockefeller's Trilateral Commission as a way of demonstrating how 20th century "conspiracies" work: "A conspiracy on the part of certain members of the international ruling class is not being suggested here, but rather that many of these people, who have a great deal of influence, are consciously making efforts to guide and control the direction of the world's political and socioeconomic system in their class interest." A de facto conspiracy, in other words.
Parenti sometimes goes a bit far in his acceptance of some conspiracy theories (multiple assassins of both Kennedy and Martin Luther King, the incompetent investigation of Malcolm X, for instance), but, given that it is the paranoid right who are historically much more likely to create and promulgate such theories -- liberal media, communists in the State Department, the hazards of fluoride, homosexual teachers perverting their students -- Parenti's occasional paranoia is relatively benign.
There was a political party in New York State in the early 1830s called the Anti-Masonry party, whose conspircist theories about the Freemasons served as the foundation for the Working Man's party, an anti-Albany Regency party which succeeded in driving Freemasons underground, and nearly out of existence. A similar anti-elitist party with a compelling conspiracy theory is what lefties need now!
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That's unfortunate since none of Parenti's books are very convincing. Like "Democracy for the Few" (which I have also reviewed), "Dirty Truths" makes a great deal of bold assertions with scanty and questionable evidence to back them up.
However, there are some interesting and valuable chapters in this book. Parenti's discussion of the JFK's assassination is informative and I was pleased to see him take on Chomsky and Alexander Cockburn (the one leftist writer who I consider even worse than Parenti). His concluding narrative about the collapse of his father's bakery is a moving piece that reminds one of the unpleasant byproducts of American capitalism. In fact, that story probably does more to motivate progressives than the rest of the book.
One thing that worries me is that leftists/progressives seem too eager to accept uncritically anything that supports their ideology. I am very much on the left politically (member of YPSL, vote Green). I am not "chronically indoctrinated" (ref. to "Curtis_K's" angry rebuttal to my other Parenti review) by either the mainstream or the progressive press. And I am not willing to look the other way when an author makes questionable and unsupported claims, even if I'm sympathetic to them. Parenti does this an awful lot.
As with "Democracy for the Few", I don't think this book is worth buying. But it is worth reading in its entirety (since its short and not masquerading as a scholarly work like "Democracy...") for a radical critique of the often mediocre mainstream media.
Sometimes I wonder why so many people are turned off by conspiracy theories. Do they think that conspiracies don't happen in the U.S.? Sorry, non-believers. Conspiracies are real, and they can happen anywhere.
Perhaps the book's most informative chapter is "Hidden Holocaust, USA", a compilation of negative social statistics drawn from the US Census Bureau. There the author makes a strong case against conventional claims that the US is a happy nation. The negative numbers paint a far grimmer picture, giving the lie to those Repubocrat politicians who loudly claim to love the country, at the same time they pursue profits over people.
Despite the author's scholarly background, this is not a scholarly work. There is very little foot-noting. Most of the chapters read like op-ed pieces; ones, however, that are never found in corporate news outlets, which is the real value of an informed work like this. For so long as the powers-that-be tolerate a fringe press, the public will have at least some access to the dirty truths filtered out of the mainstream. It is to Parenti's credit that he delivers the goods.
I'm not sure if working people are portrayed as negatively as Parenti has described it. If we only take Archie Bunker as an example, then yes, but filmmakers love to advance the theme of the powerless versus the powerful, because the opposite doesn't go well with audiences. Perhaps Parenti knows something I don't on this issue.
Parenti's favorable ratings of two films - JFK and Salvador - made me want to see them - over ten years after they had been released. I managed to see JFK, and it was great. I am still looking to see Salvador.
What I would like to see is an updated version of this book, since there has been more Hollywood propaganda released since the original version came out.