A good guide from a good company. Not too much has changed from the previous edition though - there are some more detailed maps of Colombo.

This well-organized, chatty yet meaty guide book is all you need to assist you on a trip to Sri Lanka.

We went to Sri Lanka in the high season (February, when the place is full of Germans and other Europeans) and the only reservation we made in advance was two nights at the Galle Face Hotel (see Columbo chapter, where to stay, top end), a fabulous old relic of colonial architecture. With the help of the Lonely Planet, we "winged" everything else: train tickets to Kandy, car rental, dive trips & bungalows on the southwestern beaches. Sri Lanka is a diverse, fabulous place to explore, and the Lonely Planet made it super easy.

Great historical chapter "Facts About the Country" makes for good reading while you're waiting for your cold lassi to come to the table.

This book goes into deep detail about Sri Lanka. Being a Sri Lankan myself resideing in Australia. I found this book defintely worth taking on your trip. The best thing about the book is, that as new devolpements come, the Lonley Planet website allows you to upgrade (free of charge) the information in it, by you downloading the new revised pages. As long you keep the book updated the book will always have the latest information. This is not-only this guide book, but for all of Lonley Planets guide books. Normally I would give this book 4 stars, but for this feature alone 5 stars is worth the effort.

It is hard to tell how a man will do as President based on his experience. Some figures with virtually no political experience became good Presidents, such as Washington and Lincoln; others were failures such as Grant or Hoover. On the other hand, political experience is no guarantee of success: John Quincy Adams and James Buchanan had decent resumes going into office and had miserable presidencies. Martin Van Buren, one of the most politically talented of all Presidents, was not an utter failure, but he didn't shine in office either.

In Niven's biography, we follow Van Buren from his impoverished roots through his rise in New York state government. Although not perfect, Van Buren had enough political astuteness and the right sort of temperment to help create and lead a party machine and elevate New York's prominence on a national level. Becoming a trusted advisor to Andrew Jackson and a member of his cabinet eventually led to his Vice Presidency and then the Presidency. With a major financial crash occurring right as he got into office, Van Buren was struggling right off the bat, and wound up serving only a single term; nonetheless, in an era of one-term presidents (from 1837 to 1861, no president was re-elected), Van Buren was hardly thrown into ignonimy after his defeat; instead, he remained a powerful member of the Democratic party for the next two decades.

Niven's biography is generally favorable although he doesn't hide Van Buren's flaws. We learn of a man who was not a great ideologue but was one of the most masterful politicians of his era, holding his own with the often more prominent figures such as Jackson, Calhoun, Clay and Webster. He also wound up being a prominent figure in the anti-slavery movement, even running on the Free-Soil ticket at one point.

At times, however, this biography is a bit ponderous and often focuses so much on the political part of Van Buren's life that the personal part is pushed aside. Thus, although this may be the best Van Buren biography available (it may also be the only one), I cannot give it a full five stars. Nonetheless, this is overall a very good book and worth reading if you are interested in this period of history.

This is a very readable and interesting book that deals with the long and highly political life of Martin Van Buren. He comes off very well as a hard-working, fair and moral politician who practically establishes the democratic party as a well-oiled machine for both New York state and the United States. I have now read multiple books about the first eight presidents and he can hold his own with almost all of them so far. Highly recommended.

Prof. Niven isn't the most exciting writer, yet he fearlessly approaches one of America's most important political figures of the 19th century. No small undertaking.

Chase emerges as a deeply conflicted man whose inability to reconcile what he wanted for himself and what he knew to be right shaped not only his rising career as a politician, but his inability to find true happiness throughout his life, particularly as Lincoln's Treasury Secretary and, later, as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.

Whether one pities Chase or lauds his accomplishments --or both-- one cannot come away from this highly informative biography about one man's chosen path and where it led him -and America- in the crucial time of the American Civil War and its aftermath, including the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson and how Chase presided over that turbulent affair, without a greater understanding of American history and, perhaps, ourselves. Many readers will surely recognize some part of themselves in the complexities of Chase's thoughts, actions; his ability to rationalize, his pridefulness, and doubtless will admire the brilliant legal mind of a thoughtful yet driven man who was undone before his time (i.e., Chase was almost always his own worst enemy).

Niven is not always thorough in exploring many of the events surrounding Chase's life decisions, decisions that forever shaped America, particularly on issues legal. In spite of this, one is afforded a look at the sincere humanity of a man who, in his own words, never felt at home "in this great Babylon," never quite at ease with himself, the world, or his place in it.

Anyone desiring to enrich their knowledge of the man whose portrait graces the $10,000 bill, his life and times, will certainly find this a worthwhile read.

Personally, the only thing I could have asked for from Prof. Niven was that he had included a bibliography to guide the interested reader down other paths of exploration, whether one wants to know about "greenbacks," the Johnson proceedings, and so forth.

The gift of this book is an insight into the mind of a man, power and its influences on the subject's conscience and career, needless to say his personal life. Though Prof. Niven concludes that Salmon Portland Chase was a tragic figure, he is here rendered human and, for the most part, quite accessible.

I read John Niven's biography of Martin Van Buren, and thought it was often dull. This biography is some better, tho there are dull portions, especially some of the pages during the time Chase was Secretary of the Treasury. But the life and the period is so fascinating that I found when I had finished the book that I felt I had really learned a lot. There is no bibliography in the book, tho there are many pages of notes and with work one can deduce therefrom the books consulted. I sure wish the book had a bibliography, since the notes cite various interesting books I'd like to read.

although the storyline is deep in the science fiction and depicts lepricans as long lost guardians, it does contain a nice glimps of the guardian who presented the final ring to kyle. all in all a book worth reading but don't get in a wreck hurring to the comic book store trying to get your copy.

What a creative idea. Niven takes the great, but very short, Guardians of the Universe off their stellar perch and connects them with mythological creatures far more close to home. It is a fast-paced and very fun read. I highly recommend it.

This may qualify as a really unobjective review, given that Larry Niven is one of my favorite Science Fiction writers, and John Byrne is my favorite comic book writer/artist.

Larry Niven's take on Green Lantern's mythos is really astounding, and it fits well for me, being a Green Lanter fan too. John Byrne's dialogues and layouts are really good, and his art is at his normal level. Byrne's not an astounding penciller, but he manages to get the work done, and by writing and drawing most of his work. he gets a cohesion that no writer-artist team can get.

The only setback to this story for me is that it's to compressed, I feel they should have dedicated a full 10 issues mini-series or something like that. It's a bit crammed in the prestige edition book.

John Niven, professor emeritus of American History at the Claremont Graduate School, has shed new light on a statesman that history has long viewed as just another inconsistent headstrong Southerner, John C. Calhoun. Niven convinces the reader that this prominent politician of the antebellum south was much more consistent and levelheaded in both his public and private lives than his typical portrayal as a protean, stubborn hot-head from South Carolina would suggest. A lifelong advocate of the South, John C. Calhoun served as a member of Congress at the time of the War of 1812, secretary of war under James Monroe, vice president with John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson, secretary of state under John Tyler, and then as a senator from South Carolina until he died in 1850. The key to Niven's success in bringing to life to this "cast iron man" is drawing on Calhoun's personal life and experiences in order to gain persuasive insight into the motives and stances of his political career. (back cover) Instead of telling the classic tale of Calhoun's shift from nationalism, during the War of 1812 and the tariff of 1816, to sectionalism and states' rights in later years, on the issues of the protective tariff and slavery, Niven convincingly exerts the original contention that Calhoun had always stood behind individual liberty and states rights. In Calhoun's view, as supported by his own papers, his apparent nationalistic support of the war and the tariff of 1816 was actually an effort to "provide for the common defense and to utilize the resources of all to strengthen the states as individual entities." (p. 127) When national policies began to benefit northern states at the expense of his home, the South, is when his states' rights sentiment began to manifest itself as sectionalism. The weakness of Niven's otherwise masterful biography is that "as a northerner, born and bred in New York and Connecticut," Niven is never able to completely shake his own predisposition against slavery and present Calhoun's feelings on the issue as being valid views with their own arsenal of support. (p. xv) Although he obviously attempts to be completely objective, Niven's own views show through in his portrayal of the slavery problem as Calhoun's resistance against the antislavery movement as opposed to the antislavery movement threatening Calhoun's southern way of life and ingrained teachings. John Niven's somewhat unconventional view of the career and motives of one of the leading spokesmen for the Old South, John C. Calhoun, is convincingly and understandably expressed in this original biography. He succeeds in depicting Calhoun as a very consistent man with a humanity and complexity entirely devoted to the preservation of the South.

In his opening remarks John Niven makes the promise that he would not undertake psychoanalysis of John C.Calhoun, Much to his credit, he is true to his word. What Niven has delivered is an eminently readable and straightforward account of South Carolina's greatest political figure. We forget all that he did: senator, secretary of war, secretary of state, and vice president, in a distinguished career that began in the early days of Madison's presidency and concluded during the Taylor-Fillmore administration, a span of nearly four decades.

Niven's disclaimer, however, is telling. There is a tendency to use Calhoun's career as a sort of national inkblot. For constitutional scholars and ideologues of many stripes Calhoun's writings survive as either the last great stand of states rights or as a subversive manifesto for the tragic secession that would follow. For politicians and observers of human behavior, Calhoun is either the consummate patriot or his own worst enemy.

From the data Niven provides, it can be said that while Calhoun may have been eccentric, he was not crazy. Everyone born in primitive eighteenth century America survived with a history, and Calhoun, born in 1782, was no exception. His family and his colony shared a history of terrible suffering at the hands of the British [those were Calhoun's people slaughtered in Mel Gibson's "The Patriot."] Calhoun himself was orphaned as a young teen and appears to have spent a studious but lonely existence until he studied law at Yale under the famous Timothy Dwight.

Calhoun arrived home with his diploma just in time to ride a wave of strong Carolina resistance against the Virginia-New York axis that seemed to control presidential elections. This handsome, passionate, articulate favorite son soon found himself elected to Congress where he naturally became a leading advocate of war against the hated British. On June 18, 1812, Calhoun and other hawks got their war, but the thoughtful Calhoun quickly ascertained that the United States was woefully unprepared. Calhoun regretted his impetuousness, and nothing would absolve his guilt for this nasty war.

Calhoun would do penance for his sins by serving as Secretary of War under Monroe. Niven commends him for an outstanding tenure during which Calhoun reformed the army's purchasing policies, developed stronger defense outposts in the west, and crafted an almost enlightened Indian policy. An ambitious man, Calhoun not unreasonably expected his War Department success to catapult him toward bigger and better things.

But here one of the major themes of the book emerges: Calhoun was an unlucky politician. It was his bad fortune to reach his prime concurrently with an unusually large class of outstanding statesmen: Henry Clay, William Crawford, John Quincy Adams, Daniel Webster, Andrew Jackson, and Martin Van Buren, to name a few. While he could console himself with the role of "everybody's favorite second" in the 1824 election, that convoluted contest left him tainted goods in the eyes of many, and an outsider in the Adams cabinet to boot.

Calhoun reluctantly threw his lot with Jackson in 1828, but by this date the South Carolinian was having long thoughts about his home region. Cotton prices were low, and protective tariffs seemed to him to exact a crushingly heavy toll from southern growers like himself. And although he shared some of Clay's enthusiasms for internal improvements, most notably transportation systems for the inner reaches of the Carolinas, Calhoun became increasingly suspicious and hostile of the federal government, dubious about its ability and will to protect slavery and Calhoun's idyllic picture of the agricultural southern life. A highly sensitive man, he internalized what he saw as the political treachery of Clay, Van Buren, and especially Crawford, who raised Calhoun-baiting to an art form, for reasons never precisely spelled out.

Calhoun began to write prodigiously on the subject of states rights and federal encroachments. As Niven observes, his writings were alternately brilliant and contradictory. Potboiler states rights speeches and pamphlets were common in America as the young nation sorted itself out. But how far could a politician really go on the matter of a state's autonomy? Until the Jackson era there seemed to have been a gentleman's agreement that the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions represented the boundary of political good taste. Calhoun crossed that line in his defense of nullification, increasingly preoccupied by perceived threats to his beloved South Carolina, In doing so Calhoun lost his national political base and a sense of the national pulse. No longer viable as even a regional candidate for the presidency, he assisted President Tyler by his skillful negotiating with Great Britain on the Oregon border question. But he objected to the Mexican War, not on humanitarian grounds but because he feared the socioeconomic consequences of the acquisition of Mexican territory, i.e., new free soil states. He was correct in his assessment that the consequences of the Mexican War would bring political turmoil to the United States. He had few horses to trade on the floor of congress as the Wilmot Proviso was debated, but his style till the end was magnificent.

From Niven's account it is fair to say that Calhoun was never a universally recognized spokesman for the South during his own lifetime. The Richmond Junto despised him. Unionists were still a majority in the South at the time of his death in 1850. Moderate southern businessmen even in his home state found his philosophy antiquated and at times deleterious to their state's economy. Many found him unbearably pedantic. Only later, as the nation polarized, would his political philosophy become a revered creed for those who dared to think the unthinkable.

Niven's work is a fine presentation for the casual reader and a more than adequate primer for those eager to delve into the mind and works of the consummate antebellum apostle of states' rights.

Prof. Niven's book fails on a number of counts, but mainly on that of familiarity with the sources of Calhoun's political thought. For example, in describing Calhoun's indebtedness to the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, Niven says that neither document contemplated action by an individual state. To correct this impression, one need only consult Jefferson's draft of the Kentucky Resolutions; how anyone who had even read this five-page document could see it as anything other than a threat to interfere with enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Acts within the boundaries of Kentucky is beyond me. The book is full of similiar evidence of Niven's failure to acquaint himself with even the most basic sources. Try Bartlett's Calhoun biography, instead.