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The book is divided into two parts.
Part one is biographical material. While the writing itself is lively enough, sadly, the subject matter is not. Alas Sibbes was no Bunyan. But Dever does the historical reader a favor by revealing a couple of overlooked facts, correcting repeated mistakes of former historians. Sibbes was neither the disenfranchised preacher of lore, who lived out the remainder of his life in obscurity, nor was he a rebel-rousing nonconformist, but rather a moderate Puritan, more the reformer rather than a revolutionary.
Part two explores the theology of Sibbes, appropriately distinguishing him as one of the last of the great English reformers. The author highlights several salient features of Sibbes as a Reformed theologian. Of special interest, Dever adroitly dispels the misconception that Sibbes was an irrational or even an a-rational mystic. The "Sweet Dropper" was nothing of the kind but rather an affectionate theologian, scrupulously concerned with the centrality of the heart and the proper role of the conscience, specifically an educated one.
This reader came away with three specific encouragements:
1.Sibbes believed that godly preaching was the salvation of the Church of England. So should it is for any church in any generation.
2.Sibbes was a reforming conformist. He was a hesitator and a questioner but not a dissenter. Rather than separate from the established church, he elected to remain, attempting to bring reform from within. For those pastors and church leaders who labor in non-Reformed churches or denominations, his example will be of encouragement. Although history may show that his endeavor was actually an idle venture, such warm-hearted commitment will loom as a grand and noble gesture in the light of today's rabid transience and hyper-individualism.
3.Many voices today are clamoring for a new Reformation. As great as the need may be, much is cool, calculating, and highly polemical. Sibbes was a doctor of the heart. His tender, warm-heartedness needs to be rediscovered. Sibbes was the England of his day, what Jonathan Edwards was to America, both sharing a mutual concern for true religious affections.
A fresh look at the life of Richard Sibbes may well rekindle a warm-hearted passion for the gospel, based upon the great doctrines of the Protestant Reformation. This truth on fire was the hallmark of English Puritanism. Mark Dever has done a great service in reminding his readers of this fact.
In the Porfiry Petrovich Rostnikov series, Kaminsky has deftly transplanted the Ed McBain police procedural to Russia: individual detectives, each having his/her own serial back stories, investigating different cases. And through the time span of the series, the reader also watches as the Soviet Union disintegrates.This time, there is the mysterious disappearance of a Syrian Oil Minister's daughter and the murders of a Russian Orthodox Priest and Nun.
'With faith in his mission, Father Merhum [the eponymous dead Russian Orthodox Priest] had stood up to commissars, the leaders of his own church, the KGB, and state leaders from Stalin to Gorbachev. And now, days after the end of the seventy-year failure of Soviet socialism, he stood ready to take up the demands for reform with Yeltsin himself." ... "He would supply the names. He would read them in Red Square atop the empty tomb that had held the profane icon of Lenin." Hunh? Lenin isn't in Lenin's Tomb anymore?!? Where is he? I guess the old "stumper" of "Who is buried in Lenin's Tomb?" isn't so obvious anymore, nyet?
Here's a savvy and snappy comment on the State of Russian Dys-union at the time: "Tatyana smiled. `You are a year too late, pretty policeman,' she said. `You can't do such things anymore. People will run and tell on you and you will have to say five Hail Yeltsins in penance."
Stuart Kaminsky, himself an Edgar Award winner, proves once again that his Inspector Porfiry Rostnikov series in not one to miss. Set in Russia amid the rumblings and eventual fall of the Iron Curtain, the series captures convincingly the Russian atmosphere, politically, socially, criminally, and with such conviction, especially for an American writer who has not devoted his life to Russian studies.
In "Death of a Russian Priest," Inspector Rostnikov, accompanied by one of the few individuals he can fully trust, journeys to Arkush to investigate the murder of a local priest, an outspoken cleric and one whose death has shocked the local community.
Of course, as with all the Rostnikov books, nothing is as it seems and it takes the cunning, the skill, and the intellect of his team to bring all this together. He and Karpo, known as "the Vampire," are busy solving this murder while meanwhile back in Moscow, Sasha Tkach, Rostinok's handsome and randy and very married assistant, is involved in another investigation. Tkach has a new partner, Elena Timofeyeva (which opens up other complications!), and they are trying to find a missing girl and a cold-blooded killer. Kaminsky manages to tie these assignments together and quite satsifactorily by the book's conclusion. He, once again, has managed to provide humanity in an area where little is often found! Kaminsky's Russian tales are absorbing, and it is nail-biting waiting for the next episode.
Billyjhobbs@tyler.net
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In pursuit of this goal, Kishlansky avoids examining the contradictory interpretations which he believes necessitate this work. His prefatory remarks fully acknowledge the limited nature of his discussion. Apologizing to his colleagues, he explains that any effort to conflate the conflicting opinions into one coherent narrative would prove futile. Therefore, he claims to have used his discretion in writing a flowing account.
Still, an author's discretion is seldom neutral. Correlating with Kishlansky's past contributions to British historiography, this book contains definite revisionist undertones. Focusing on the impact of individuals, he emphasizes the contingency of each event he describes. Accident and circumstance drive his story. This perspective does not accommodate the vital component of progressive interpretations: inevitability. Furthermore, Kishlansky's story is essentially a political narrative. He frequently dismisses the social and economic factors which progressives view as so influential in governmental development.
The work itself is a combination of three stylistic techniques. To orient the audience for the narrative, the prologue and first two chapters analyze the social and political institutions of seventeenth-century Britain. The narrative itself dominates each of the succeeding eleven chapters, introduced in each by a dramatic vignette. By describing one of the most exciting or extraordinary events yet to come, these vignettes entice the reader to continue. Separating them from the main narrative are brief contextual introductions, similar to those of the first two chapters. Kishlansky also uses this analytical style in his disappointingly short four-page epilogue.
Additionally, the title of this book is quite misleading. This is neither a history of the monarchy's transformation nor a history of Britain. In reality, Kishlansky recounts the transformation of the entire British governmental system. Also, while he does incorporate the roles of Scotland and Ireland into his story, he does so only from an English point of view. Added to this are only minor references to Britain's overseas colonies. Thus, a more appropriate title would be: A Government Transformed: England 1603-1714.
Kishlansky's lack of citation is also troublesome. Though his extensive bibliography is impressive, it is not inclusive. He references general works on broad topics, yet his audience learns of specific events and people. If his readers become interested in researching any of the specific topics which he describes, his bibliography will prove only slightly more helpful than a library's card catalogue. Overall, Kishlansky accomplishes what he set out to do; he creates an interesting and coherent story which provides a solid base for further study. For people with a limited knowledge of the events that transpired during the seventeenth century, this is a clear introduction. This book is by no means comprehensive, but that was never the goal of the author. Its accessibility comes from its simplicity. After reading it, students are ready for and hopefully interested in more critical research in the field.
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This comic book features the metal men and many members of the JLA. It is exciting and difficult to put down.
There are a few things I found annoying about this though. As this was originally a group of different comics by different artists and writers, each time a new chapter starts, the characters look different. The worst is Ed McGuinness as I think he makes Superman too muscly and cartoon like. Another thing that I didn't like was the look of Brainiac 13. The artists used computers to make him look 3D. This doesn't work. The computer pictures look too fake and don't fit with the rest of the comic. But this doesn't mean it isn't a great book, with a great story. Superman will definitely be with us forever!
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Nonetheless, the author keeps his independence of mind: he writes that Hurd's basic "idea of the enabling state was flawed. First, it was highly undemocratic. The National Health Service Trusts, self-governing schools and Housing Associations took power away from democratically elected councillors and placed power in the hands of unelected local appointees, modern local elites. Second, the Conservative reforms to local government which Hurd endorsed saw a massive centralisation of power in Britain. Third, Hurd's belief that active citizenship was compatible with free-market economics because private property gave the citizen a stake in the economic power of the country, simply did not work during the 1980s."
Stuart writes, "The Conservative Party's raison d'etre in the late 1970s and during the 1980s became the defeat of organised labour." But Thatcherism, the attack on organised labour, undermined all the institutions - family, community and nation - that Hurd claimed to support.
In passing, Stuart reveals something of Parliamentary 'opposition'. On 21 January 1991, in the last Commons debate before the war against Iraq, Gerald Kaufman, Labour's Shadow Foreign Secretary, "asked Hurd to let him see the Government motion before they tabled it, to make sure it was one which the Opposition Front Bench could support." Hurd then asked Kaufman to amend this motion, to prevent Labour backbenchers doing so. "Kaufman showed Hurd the revision beforehand to make sure his side could support it. So the Government drafted a motion subject to Labour's approval and Labour drafted an amendment subject to the Government's approval."
As Foreign Secretary under Thatcher and Major, Hurd backed the onslaught on Iraq. He supported the EC's recognition of Croatia and Slovenia, which widened the Yugoslav war. He backed Patten's mischief-making in Hong Kong. He supported the Maastricht Treaty. All these misguided policies stemmed from his support for capitalism's dictate of economic internationalism, with its consequent hatred of sovereignty.
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Just about every common medical emergency is in there, from the correct way to treat a nosebleed, to how to figure out if your child has appendicitis, to knowing when back pain is serious. I wouldn't go on a family vacation without it, and it personifies my motto: "Always Be Prepared."