This at times slightly difficult to read book is very relevant even if the text of the book was published in 1983. Let me give you an idea of the discussion in the book below.
This January 2000 edition contains a new intro by the learned professor. He tries to correct in it a few observations and predictions he believes he got wrong in the original addition. He points out that spectacular growth of the prison-industrial complex since 1981 with an increase of the prison population from 500,000 in 1981 to almost 2 million today. He points out that as jobs with livable wages continue to disappear and with the stock market casino which drove the economy of the 90's getting wrecked, thousands more poor and even middle class whites along with blacks and other minorities will turn up in the prison system. One in five Americans, he writes, now has a criminal record.

In any case, this book is about how Capitalism is black Americans greatest enemy. Racism is an integral part of American capitalism, he stresses. Blacks enslaved because of their race created the wealth which gave this country its economic foundations. Blacks in the South, imprisoned justly or unjustly, provided an ultra-cheap source of labor in the convict-work system under conditions not too far from Nazi concentration camps. He writes that in the 1880's, the mortality rate for blacks in prison in Mississippi was 11 percent. In Arkansas it was 25 percent.

he notes that blacks and white workers combining their power could have made great gains. That they did not is perhaps he says why the standard of living has been so low in the South relative to the rest of the country. White workers apparently were more comfortably keeping blacks down to maintain their status in the white supremacist culture. One interesting thing the author notes about Southern whites is their widespread ownership of firearms. He quotes C. Vann Woodward as saying that Alabama Whites spent more combined on firearms than on farm equipment and tools combined. Firearms were a unique part of the Southern culture and whites carried them everywhere they went and never avoided a chance to use them. He gives interesting statistic that while the national homicide rate of 1926 was 10.1 per 1,000 in Jacksonville Florida it was 75.9, in Birmingham 58.8, Memphis 42.4, Nashville 29.2.

He writes extensively about the idea of "black capitalism" empowering black progress. He spends alot of time writing about Booker T. Washington. Washington is portrayed as an opportunist politically with some bad ideas though he did give covert aid to civil rights activists while he was preaching accomodation with white supremacy in public. Marable says that the black so-caleld conservatives of today like Thomas Sowell are not even fit to carry his mantle. The latter are simply vulgar apologists and obfuscators of the racist/capitalist order.

The problem with black capitalists, the author writes, is that they are capitalists. That means they have to maximize their short-term profit at whatever cost. The well being of the black race only being incidental. Moreover, he goes through laborious statistics showing that black capitalists have had their only substantial successes only when they had captive markets in all-black communities, segregated or otherwise and mostly in "human services" such as barbering and small retail stores. So the author shows that "black capitalism" which was a main platform for Marcus Garvey (who was influenced by Washington), and extended to Elijah Muhammed to the Nation of Islam of current times and was even supported by W.E.B. Dubois until the Great Depression--really does not work.

He writes that the "crises" of capitalism which began in the 70's has hit hard black families the most, of course. Unemployment went down dramatically for blacks in the 60's, he points out because of the government implementing affirmative action to try to eliminate discrimination in employment, migration of blacks from the south to the north to get higher pay jobs and the expanding capitalist economy. The unemployment of nonwhites was 6.4 percent in 1969 and the unemployment for nonwhite married men fell to 2.5 that year from 7.9 in 1962. However nonwhite unemployment was 14 percent by 1975 and unemployment for married nonwhites was 8.3.
He notes that workers losing their jobs because their industries couldn't compete in the U.S. market with foreign producers were awarded substantial amounts of their former pay for 18 months. In December 1980 almost 250,000 workers were obtaining funds for this program but a year later only 12,000 were able to use it. In January 1982, only 37 percent of the unemployed were getting any form of compensation. The umemployment rate reached 17.4 percent for blacks in late 81' though this did not, as no unemployment figures do, include the workers who have stopped actively looking for work for four weeks or more.

He notes the phenomenon of large numbers of workers unable to get employment during large parts of the year i.e. being underemployed and only getting part-time or temporary low wage work. Also he writes a little bit about the "lumpenproletariat"...

Chapter 9 is called "The meaning of racist violence in late capitalism"...IT includes citation (see the endnote) of Daryl Gate's speculation about blood not flowing through the veins of blacks as fast as "normal people," the comment being made in response to several chokehold deaths at the hands of LAPD of minorities.

How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America is an updated edition of Manning Marable's classic in black literature, and has received a new introduction and an update to the book's tables and charts to reflect the latest new data on Afro-American statistics. Marable's cogent and comprehensvie analysis of race and class in the United States down through the country's political and economic history to modern times continues to provide important food for though for a contemporary readership.

A wonderful critique of how blacks have been victimized and belittled in this racist/sexist state. A must read for all races. A real eye opener. Still as valid as the day it was published.

We often here about the 1960s as a time of radicalization for students and mystical urban heroes. Rarely is the working-class and trade union struggle ever revealed. Partly that is because working-class struggle was not at the heart of the civil rights movement and the anti-war movement. But Detroit: I Do Mind Dying tells a different story; one of a core of revolutionaries in the industrial heart of America within a union with a radical past. These black revolutionaries take on the racism of the bosses, as well as the racism of the union beauracracy, in a daring and valliant attempt to bring about real social change. Some lessons for activists, trade unionists, and socialists today are included by the authors. Questions of organizing white workers; the need for a national party; wildcat strikes to take on both the company and the union beauracracy; and the need to have an international perspective. All of theses lessons are brought forth from the struggles of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers and all of the Revolutionary Union Movements in the Detroit area. A must read for activists today.

This is simply the best book written on the radicalization of the Black (and white/arab/latino) industrial working class in the late 1960's and early 1970's. It is also rich in lessons for radical unionists and socialists today. With all the academic presses churning out tome after tome on "race relations" why doesn't one of them pick up this fascinating book

Fondly called W.E.B., Dr William Edward Burghardt DuBois was a conscientious voice, whose mouthpiece was just a pen. Each of his writings buttressed this point.
A bundle of intellect, all his works have remained potent till this day. Having enumerated the problems and experiences of emancipated slaves in "The Souls of Black Folk", Dr DuBois used this book, "Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil", to highlight the intricacies of the then White-Black relationships. This book has a socio-economic focus, and dealt with such associational issues like exploitative labour, voting rights, women's rights, and family values. It suggested guidance and remedies wherever necessary. The ideas and insights of Dr DuBois were general in perspective: both Whites and Blacks were thought of.
This book is more than eighty years old; however, anybody who reads it, needs only to turn a few pages before discovering that we are still grappling with most of its lamentations.
Finally, I must say that I cherished reading this book. "Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil" is a compelling piece; especially for anyone who is familiar with either "The Souls of Black Folk" or "Dusk of Dawn".

This book is a gorgeous coffee-table volume. It is divided into sections by time periods beginning in the 1840s and continues to the present. Each chapter is introduced with an in-depth discussion of what was happening at that time, then moves to captioned photos. The book is large, 10"x12", and is presented on heavy, high quality paper; a pleasure to hold and look at! My only criticism is that readability was sacrificed for design. The type is very small and, therefore, difficult to read, and the caption reference number below each photo is mircoscopic. Also, even though I'm sure the photos were reproduced perfectly, some are hard to make out (what do I expect for 100+ year old photos!) I recommend this book whether you are interested in this subject, interested in photography or just love beautiful books.

This Afro-American anthology provides accounts of civil rights reforms, history and resistance, gathering the most important political writings and testimonials from over three centuries. Activists like DuBois, Douglass and Malcolm X are joined by lesser-known names in this survey of how individual actions formed into a movement. Oral testimonies, interviews and essays blend in an important coverage.

This is an important book, not only for its content, but also for the fact that it exists in a political climate of ongoing hostility toward Cuba from the US. For many years, liberal scholars have idealized the socialist regime. Conservatives and expatriates, on the other side, have proclaimed their disdain and rage toward the policies of Castro's "worker's paradise." As someone who has been there three times in the past two years, Cuba is neither the heaven nor the hell illustrated by these extremes. This book sheds some realistic light on why Afro-Cubans have been thankful for real improvements in their daily lives made since the revolution, and yet still resent the pervasive racism and poverty that exists behind the veneer of socialist equality. There are some inaccuracies (I think due to translation errors) about the religion of Santeria. In any book about Afro-Cuban life, more needs to be said about the role of religion (Santeria, Abakua, and Palo) and it needs to be consistently correct, so from this perspective, the authors did not do their research. However, this book is very important for opening a dialogue about race in Cuba. I hope this dialogue will continue and break through some barriers.

In this slim volume, editors Pérez Sarduy and Stubbs shine light on the complex question of Afro-Cuban identity. The editors present numerous short vignettes where the reader hears, in first person, a variety of Cubans describe their lives. As with all matters Cuban, things are seldom as simple as pro- and anti- opponents claim. The conceptual tension between the gains people of color made as a result during the revolution, the silence the revolution imposed on race matters, and the looming threat of a "racial rollback" with the dolarization of the Cuban ecomony are all here, spoken from the perspective of Cubans caught in the complex social millieu that is contemporary Cuba. After an excellent review of the literature as introduction, it's all Afro-Cuban voices, a badly needed English language work that is mandatory reading for anyone interested in Cuba or in the struggle for social equality.

Hate myth piled on bigoted propaganda. There is so little truth or fact and so much misandry in this book that there is no place to start describing it. The Nazi propaganda machine could have taken lessons. If you're into self congratulating feminazi hate this book is for you.

More men should read feminist texts. The world would be a much better place....hopefully. I'm a man, and I love books by Bell Hooks, Adrienne Rich and Alice Walker.

Like bell hooks, I am a feminist. I am also a Chicana. It was a relief to see someone writing about the problem of racism in mainstream feminism. Hooks points out the sad fact that many women can be aware of sexism as a form of oppression, but be oblivious to other prejudices (i.e. racism & classism). She uses testimonial accounts, analysis, and her own personal experiences to paint a too true picture of the ugly side of mainstream feminism. She has shed light on why so many women of color feel uncomfortable, and perhaps unwanted when it comes to feminist activity. Look in your history books. How many photos of Blacks and Mexicans do you see marching for women's rights? Yet we were there, too. Hooks points out that we have been feminists for just as long as white women, but we have been ignored, "marginalized". Her book is honest, courageous, and a great achievement. bell hooks is an amazing writer, and I think those who read this book will also enjoy another of hook's books, "Ending Racism".

Strike! is a classic book of American labor history. It's definitely worth reading if you want to understand some of the more amazing points when labor negotiations have broken down and workers walked out.

Strike, is not a history of the American labor movements. Neither is it a history of strikes, despite the claim of other reviewers. It's an examination of the mass strike. That is when the normal course of labor struggles reach a boiling point. Mass strikes are when a strike starts in a specific shop but spreads horizontally across an industry or even the whole nation. Brecher profiles the few but real times in which a spreading strike presented the possibility of more radical and systemic change.

He talks about how at these times of mass strike, the ideas and possibility for real radical change takes hold among previously apolitical rank and file workers. When this happens, often the state, unions, and business conspire together to put a stop to these growing strikes. This is very similar to what happened in with the 'communist' union bosses in France in May 68. As soon as the option of radical change where the bosses of industry and unions could be thrown out, the unions take up their roll as labor regulators.

Unfortunately Brecher does not look in to the dynamics of why this happens. Nor does he consider the roll of the IWW, the one American labor federation which worked to create mass strikes. He also does not address the issue of ideology the unions or social movements during the times of mass strike. He rightly, claims that most workers who spread mass strikes are not working from an ideological perspective, but he doesn't look in to the roll in which ideology plays. Often mass strikes take hold in times of general political upheaval, understanding the relationship between mass strikes and other social change struggles seems to me to be an essential and missed point in the book.

The other amazing aspect of the book is that it chronicles how labor demands have becoming increasingly less radical over time. During the first mass strikes in the 1880's workers were demanding fundamental autonomy and the dismantling the very system of corporations and trusts. By the last mass strikes in the US during 1960's workers were demanding better wages, conditions, and self management. The concept that the system of exploitation could be dismantled and we could return to a world of small artisans had disappeared.

Strike's other fault is that it only looks at American labor history. There were major activities and ideas in other countries which had a direct influence on American labor. Brecher doesn't deal with the roll of immigration and the ideas and practices immigration brings to the labor movement. In the last chapter of this updated edition he talks about the very successful UPS strike. While it is a good story and I think it's important he updated the book, the UPS strike was not a mass strike. We haven't had any mass strikes of the kind Brecher profiles in Strike since the 60's.

This book is definitely worth the read. It's well written and entertaining. It makes labor history exciting. Unfortunately it is not a full labor history, and if you want to understand the history of American labor struggles you'll need to read further. Strike is a good place to start learning about our collective labor history and I highly recommend it.

Jeremy Brecher's "Strike!" takes on one narrow subject and does it in a very interesting if limited way. It's simply a history of strikes, no more no less. That history is a fascinating and often shocking one -- few of us in this country know about the huge strikes and violent repression that occurred in the late 19th century and early 20th, and we should. This book catalogues a lot of that history and memorably illustrates the growth of labor consciousness and state opposition.

However, it only occasionally gives much context in terms of legal background, the rising and falling strength of the labor movement and the changes in industry. So it's actually a book full of examples from which you'll have to draw your own conclusions, not a comprehensive history. But it's a hard-hitting introduction to labor history and an enticement to read more. Very worthwhile.

A classic ploy of employers who want to keep unions out of their companies is to paint the unions as outsiders, a bunch of rabble rousing radiclas who will disrupt what was once industrial harmony. This theme has lasted through the years, from last century, when all socialists where decried as immmagrants, to modern union busting campaigns.

There is certainly a short term, self-serving aspect to this image, but there is also a larger social claim: american workers are basically satisfied. America is the land of opportunity and no regular Joe worker would question this fact if outsiders didn't come in and cause trouble.

Jeremy Brecher's classic book, Strike!, runs gaping holes through this image. He details several of the countless times in American history that workers have spontainiously risen to fight for better jobs, better lives and a better world. Further, he shows that labor leaders, whether conservative or radical (socialist, communist etc) have have historically acted to hold the militancy of the workers at bay and channel them into the compromise of collective bargaining. A system which the labor leaders control and profit from.

An important book for anyone interested in unions, labor, or the history of the American working class.

While I agree with most of Marable's opinions, this collection of newspaper columns is not up to the level of his other works. Marable's expressed purpose is to reach out to the average newspaper reader and he may very well have been sucessful in that effort.

Where do I begin with this book, littered with writings by second-hand-dealers of information from holders of glorified government jobs (academics)? Armchair leaders, who would perish without the comfort of the Ivory Tower (Noam Chomsky). I should start by saying that such foolishness could only come from a university setting. In no other case would people spend so much time trying to talk away things that have been demonstrated to be foolish by the experience of others.

A few examples:

1. Manning Marable's article compares Booker T. Washington to Louis Farrakhan? Huh? Huh? Huh? This person is selling himself as a professor of history, yet he doesn't know that the main idea of what Washington said was to AVOID trying to find a political resolution to every single problem? Louis Farrakhan generates lots of heat but doesn't shed very much light on what would be *realistic* solutions to the problems in black America.

2. Empty Phrases used every third page or so, like "People of Color." Anyone who can read the Statstical Abstract of the United States knows that peole of color have nothing in common other than being non-white. The similarities stop right there in terms of income, incarceration rates and representation in "higher" professions. Everyone seems to have looked right past this in their quest to have some subjects to generate a leadership position for himself.

3. There are almost no specific numbers or studies here. So Howard Zinn will say things like: "We are wealthy enough for full employment and free education as well a free health care for everyone." But other countries (i.e., Canada and Britain) have found out that it is one thing to promise something and then quite another to support the bureaucracy that will carry this out. A systematic study of what has really happened in other countries that have tried these grandiose ideas might change the minds of these academics. But, as always, evidence is neither mentioned nor presented. But these articles are ALL very light in terms of their analytical gravitas.

Bottom line #1: Black America has been set back a good long way by relying on arguments like these presented in this book. If anything, reading this book has made me even MORE conservative. Bottom line #2: The government cannot legislate every problem out of existence. (See Sub-Saharan Africa/ China for textbook examples.)

This slim book is a nice introduction to a lot of amazing political writers. It is just an introduction and does not go into any real depth. At the cost, it is not worth it to get the hardcover. Get the paperback.