Bonus points for the larger type, easier to read than a lot of other bibles. Extensive notes that defend the accuracy and infallibilty of the Bible. A must have for anyone who is serious about studying the Authorized version of the Word of God.

The Defenders Study Bible by Dr. Henry Morris is THE BEST Bible I have ever owned. I have been a Christian for most of my life and I own several different study Bibles but they all pale in comparison. Why? Because they compromise the word of God. In most of my other study Bibles, they make you doubt Gods word, especially in regarding the creation in Genesis by adding that the creation could have occurred over a longer period of time.

Dr. Morris verifies the six day creation with other bible verses. He doesn't rely on his beliefs, he relies on other scriptures for verification. The Lord would not need longer periods of time to create the world because he did it right the first time and does not need more time to let things "correct" themselves. He is a perfect God and he created a perfect world in six days. Why would God say six days when he meant something else? This is where faith plays a vital role in reading and interpreting the scriptures. You either believe God means exactly what he says or you don't. Satan compromised the word of God to Eve and look what happened. God means exactly what he says. Exactly.

Another plus is the scientific analysis of creation and the great flood. He describes using other scripture how the flood occured and the effects of the flood on the world scientifically. It really strengthens Gods word.

Having this Bible in the King James Version is comforting also because it is as close to the original Hebrew and Greek text as we can get. There is no interpretations. I compare verses from this Bible to my other Bibles and the changes are dramatic and sometimes entirely different. To me this can be dangerous.

In Job, some of my Bibles change the words Behemoth to Hippo or elephant and Leviathan to Alligator..... Now I have never seen a hippo or an elephant with a tail the size of a ceder tree, and I have never seen an alligator have smoke and fire come out of his mouth and nostrils.

I recommend this Bible and all of Dr. Morris' other books to all Christians, both new and old.

I have been using this Bible for 4 years for reference and study. Dr. Morris' notes have been a blessing through the years, especially the extensive notes in Genesis and the entire New Testament. This is the best specialty study Bible out there and I would recommend every Evangelical or Fundamentalist Christian who cares about the Bible, it's truths, and proofs for its truth add Dr. Morris'lifetime of passion for God and His Word to their study library.Plus it gets bonus points for only being available in the King James Bible. Dr. Morris is again consistent in his beliefs.

This is a fine work of scholarship in the area of intellectual history. McCoy offers a penetrating exposition of the ideas of one of this country's most important intellectuals, and explores Madison's great achievements as well as some of the disturbing contradictions within his thought, especially concerning the question of slavery.

Madison, of course, opposed slavery, but had great fears about the dangers of emancipation, and thus ended up endorsing colonization, a position now long since discredited. McCoy's treatment of this issue is insightful and relevant to any discussion of the later sectional crisis. The contradiction between slavery and the principles of American republicanism were real, as Madison understood very well, and ultimately were more or less resolved in the kind of war that Madison had feared.

Madison's concerns about the importance of public support for education, and the opportunities and dangers of industrialization and unemployment reveal a man both principled and pragmatic in his approach to new developments in the rapidly growing Republic. McCoy shows us an intellectually vigorous Madison who was skeptical about human nature, committed to republican institutions, and alert to the need to accommodate the new realities created by social and economic change. In McCoy's treatment, Madison was a principled thinker, but never an ideologue who might prefer the consistency of a philosophical system over the experience of reality.

McCoy's chapter on Madison's view of the 1832-1833 nullification crisis is also especially informative. Although Madison is often cited as a supporter of state nullification, based on a careless reading of his 1798 Virginia Resolution (that is often paired with Jefferson's more explicitly nullificationist 1798 Kentucky Resolution), in fact Madison was opposed to the South Carolina anti-tariff movement, and argued that while high tariffs might be a bad idea, they were not unconstitutional -- indeed, "no great constitutional question" was involved.

Worse, according to McCoy, Madison feared that the logic of nullification would lead to "a rupture of the Union; a Southern confederacy; mutual enmity with the Northern; the most dreadful animosities and border wars, springing from the case of slaves; rival alliances abroad; standing armies at home, to be supported by internal taxes; and federal Governments, with powers of a more consolidating and monarchical tendency than the greatest jealousy has charged on the existing systems" (Madison, quoted in McCoy, p. 134).

The book is well-documented from primary sources -- especially letters and personal papers -- but it would be nice if McCoy had included at the conclusion a complete bibliography, along with some commentary on how his findings related to the current literature on Madison, but that is a quibble; this is not a doctoral dissertation but a serious study, accessible to the ordinary reader, of a key founder of the Republic whose adult life spanned the colonial period in the 1770s though the Jacksonian era in the 1830s.

Madison, for all his strengths and limitations, remains one of the great political thinkers in American, and indeed, world, history. He is justly seen as the father of the Constitution. This book is a great introduction to the ideas and experience of "the last of the fathers."

When reading the book you get the feeling that James Madison was thinking of how to preserve the actions and thoughts of the new republic founders. Madison lived longer than most of the founding fathers and saw the transition and change of the U.S. government.

The Father of the Constitution out lived both John Adams and Thomas Jefferson by 10 years and saw the new government he had worked hard to preserve, now threatened. Slavery was only one of his worries...Madison sought to stabilize a fragile system of politics that threatened to crack the national unity.

Madison was a shy man, but when the time arose he was a most ardent supporter of the republican faith. People asked Madison on how to fashion their government... he inturn would espouse the need for the study of history. The history of the founding and the ideals that sprung forth to birth a great nation.

This approach moved him away from the mainstream of public attention, all along wanting the public attention to focus on the nation as a whole.

This book is a good study into Madison the man, from his early days as a young Revolutionary to his last years caught in the moral dilemma of abolitionism and proslavery arguments. Later in our history we shall see Madison's thoughts come to life.

We read a lot of Madison's letters on these subjects and others, thereby giving us a good look into Madison the man... character and temperament struggling to resolve these issues.

If one is into reading about the Founding Fathers and their times, thoughts and tribulations; this is a good book to read. I found this book to be interesting with good flowing narative, well documented and useful.

Read it and enjoy... I did

This is an excellent book for those who wish to understand Madison's view of the purpose of the Constitution and his perception of how it should be used by posterity. Madison insisted that anyone who was responsible for making laws should have a full understanding of the Constitution's content. McCoy, in a straightforward and clear writing style, clearly presents Madison's perspective and his dilemmas'--the issues of a republic vs a democracy and an ideal of the natural rights of man vs the existence of slavery. McCoy examines the philosophical background from which Madison's beliefs evolved as well as how his ideas contrasted with his contemporaries. He also documents in great detail the 'students' of Madison and how they interpreted his legacy. But his discussion of Madison as slaveowner and believer in the natural right of man to liberty and the hardening attitude of the South during his lifetime makes this book excellent.

Lt. James Madison Page was captured by Confederate forces in 1863 and eventually was shipped to Andersonville Prison. There he observed Major Henry Wirz firsthand as well as life in this famous Confederate prison for Union prisoners of war. After the war, Major Wirz was tried by military tribunal, found guilty of "war crimes" and hanged. Forty years later, in 1908, Page wrote his memoir to tell "the true story of Andersonville," which was quite different from the popular view, namely, that Wirz and those in his command were deliberately cruel to their captives. Page explains how the prison was designed to hold, at most, 10,000 prisoners at any one time, and then only temporarily while awaiting prisoner exchange. When the exchange was stopped, the prison population quickly swelled to 30,000 prisoners, overwhelming the South's ability to feed, clothe and house the Andersonville prisoners. Although the North advanced many self-serving reasons for stopping the exchange, the real truth was later admitted by Ulysses S Grant in his memoirs, i.e., that the Union POWs were expendable, and that exchanging them for Rebel soldiers would prolong the war by reinforcing the Confederate army. This was a legitimate and understandable strategy of war, one that undoubtedly brought the war to a faster close. In 1865, however, it would have been political suicide to tell the truth to grieving families, that their sons and husbands and fathers were not exchanged because they were considered expendable. The story as Page saw it, was that Wirz was made a scapegoat to appease the wrath of the Northern people over the Andersonville dead (13,000 POWs died out of 45,000 prisoners due to disease and diet).

Page tells how many Northern myths about Andersonville simply aren't true, e.g., that the Confederate guards would get a 30 day furlough as a reward for shooting a prisoner, or that the reason the prisoner exchange between North and South was stopped was because of the North's protest against the South's refusal to exchange black Union POWs -- the truth was that blacks were a miniscule number of Union POWs and the exchange was stopped before there were any black POWs.

Page describes the trial and the accusations against Wirz, and refutes them convincingly. The trial, as described by Page who was there, was a sham. The prosecution could call any witnesses it wanted, but the defense could only call witnesses approved in advance by the prosecution! The prosecution's key witness was a perjurer who claimed to be former Union POW "Felix de la Baume," but was actually a deserter from the 7th NY infantry named Felix Oeser who was paid off for his false testimony with a job in the Dept of the Interior. Oeser had never even been to Andersonville.

James Madison Page's book closely jives with Confederate sources, like the memoir of Confederate guards and officers, who say the same things. Page ends his narrative with "I am just as committed to the preservation of the Union today as I was in 1861, but after forty years we can at least afford to tell the truth." This book wasn't popular in 1908 nor will it be popular in 2001 with those who don't want to hear it.

James Madison Page was my husband's great grandfather and we own a copy of the original edition. Mr. Page went on to be a Montana pioneer and surveyor. The book was very controversial when it was published, but to his dying day Mr. page stood by what he had written. It is quite a contrast to the generally accepted view of Andersonville Prison. Possibly, the prison conditions were not uniform at all times or in all places of the prison. The rather antiquated, but clear, prose alone is reason to read the book and get a taste of the past.

This book was written by a union soldier from a Michigan unit, as the subtitle indicates. He wrote this as a "Defense of Major Henry Wirz." Unlike many of the books written about incarceration in southern POW camps, this soldier was rather positive in terms of the treatment he received by Confederate soldiers during his inprisonment at Belle Isle and Andersonville. He had several personal interviews with Major Wirz, the Commandant of Andersonville prison, petitioning for better conditions for his fellow prisoners. He claims that the Major was as gracious to his requests as the limited supplies of the Confederacy would allow, considering the Union blockade of all supplies including medical. He also includes some information in what appears to be transcripts and letters relevant to Major Wirtz's trial that led to his hanging, which are quite revealing in terms of Secretary of War Stanton's, vendetta against Jefferson Davis and other prominant leaders of the defeated South.

This was an eye opener for learning how many options were considered and how many compromises were made to resolve the regional and economic differences of the fifty-five delagates. Very sobering, to consider how close the USA came to making very different choices. Highly reccommended for all! This is real history, as recorded by Madison, exactly as it evolved.

This was an eye opener for learning how many options were considered and how many compromises were made to resolve the regional and economic differences of the fifty-five delagates. Very sobering, to consider how close the USA came to making very different choices. Highly reccommended for all! This is real history, as recorded by Madison, exactly as it evolved.

The Busines of May Next is easily the best book I have ever read on James Madison's intellectual journey from his dismay over the ineffectiveness of the Articles of Confederation to his draft of the Virginia Plan, which was the underlying foundation of our Constitution.

The title is taken from a letter Madison wrote in which he discussed the "business" of the upcoming Constitutional Convention (in May of 1789), of which Madison--along with Alexander Hamiltion--was the prime mover.

Miller's book expertly and eloquently explores the influences on Madison's thinking, from his reading of David Hume's essays on the ideal conditions for a republic, to his correspondence with Washington, Jefferson and many others in which he fleshed out his ideas of how to turn the weak, ineffectual Articles into a government that had both power and staying power.

As Miller points out, Madison's genius was his understanding of human behavior, and his awareness that any government must be shaped in ways that take advantage of the "better angels of our nature," but also (more important) minimize, or at least accommodate, the darker side of our nature.

By fashioning a government with limited and shared powers; by holding frequent elections in which the leaders are held accountable; by ensuring that the people possess certain rights that no government can threaten (on pain of being altered or abolished), Madison was the first among equals in the creation of a truly representative government that has lasted more than 200 years and shows no signs of dying out.

Miller himself is one of the few (William Manchester is another) historians whose thorough research is matched by his delightful writing style. I have two copies of the book--a hardcopy for reading and a paperback for underlining.

This is a very good discussion of Madison's role in the development of the Consitution. Very readabl

James Madison: Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 Volume Two is the continuation of volume one as seen, recorded and reproted by James Madison as a delegate from the State of Virginia.

This volume continues on from July 7, 1787 through the conclusion on September 17, 1787 and is most remarkable. We see the delegates really working on the nuts and bolts of the Constitution of the United States. Debate is found on all points as resolution after resolution is hotly contested, debated and voted on with later inclusion into the final document. There is even an appendix to the debates which includes letters. plans and outlines from some of the most prominated people of that time.

There is a draft from Hamilton and a proposed compromise from Randolph, along with Madison's own notes and remarks. Giving the reader a real sense of prerequisite presence and respect for the contingencies that befell our Founding Fathers in creating the constitution. Remember all that they had to go on was failed superstructures of past governments as there was nothing else in the way of govenment that could compare to what the people at this convention ultimately came up with.

On to part three contained in this volume. Contained here is the constitution, its ratification and amendments. Also, there is and index to the debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 which will help in locating specific debates. All in all, this and the first volume are most informative. Those wanting to read about the process of forming the constitution should read these volumes and they will come away with a greater appreciation and admiration for the work involved.

These volumes are most unique as they are the most complete record available as to what really happened and offers fellow citizens of every generation a narrative so unique as to render it a major treasure of the Republic.

James Madison: Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 Volume One as reported by James Madison, who was a delegate from the State of Virginia, covers the constitutional debate from its start in May 1787 where the main body of the House of Delegates was to meet on the fourteenth, but as usual the delegates were convened on May 25, 1787, to the adjournmnt on July 6, 1787.

This volume is very interesting as it is the way things were preceived by Madison. Madison was not the only delegate to take notes of this convention, but his notes are the most complete by far. Reading these notes gives the reader a sense of being there and participating... albeit distant and by proxy, nevertheless you still get the feeling that you are there.

As Madison gives the reader, in his notes, who was at each debate and discussion, and what was being discussed and debated. Not only that, but this first volume has been divided into two parts. Part One has the Antecedents of the Federal Convention of 1787... in it are the Declaration of Independence, Articles of Confederation, and the List of Delegates Appointed by States Represented in the Federal Convention.

Part Two is the Federal Convention of 1787 itself conclusive till the adjournment. Madison's Preface... a sketch never finished nor applied; and the debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 which framed the Constitution of the United States of America.

Interestingly enough, in Madison's preface we see Madison's library of thought taking hold and his sense of history, as he writes of the necessity of political confederacies, Meeting of colonial deputies at Albany in 1754, Congress in 1774, of 1775, Declaration of Independence, Articles of Confederation, Franklin's plan, and the difficulties in the way of a confederation. Reading this first volume, puts things in perspective as to the magnitude and gravity of the time, and most importantly why there was a need for a constitution.

For all those interested in the Constitution of the United States, reading this nuts and bolts debate will give all a better appreciation for the people who found it necessary to give posterity a workable fair government.

A wonderful little book with the most important selections of The Federalist, each section followed by brief commentary connecting it to current situations.

Jefferson called the original the "best commentary on the principles of government ever written"; here are what some others have said about Dr. Saxey's excellent edition:

A "delectable book."
R. Emmett Tyrell, Jr.
The American Spectator

"A must read."
Mark Brunelle
The Oregon Observer

"Thank you...I will keep this important work in my office."
Clarence Thomas
The Supreme Court

"The rhetoric on Capitol Hill makes this book compulsory."
The Book Reader

A very pleasant surprise, indeed! I am a normal, working class citizen and was given this book as a gift. My initial reaction was, "I will get to this when I can", but after turning the first 9 pages, I could not put it down!

Dr. Saxey's goal is the same as the original authors; his intent is to assist every voter in reading and understanding the Constitution, and he accomplishes that goal in style!

Saxey guides the reader through the Federalist papers step by step; first quoting the authors of the Federalist - James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay. Following each topic, he adds a short commentary of each section and then describes how past and present administrations have abided by or abused the Constition and the ramifications of doing so.

Dr. Saxey takes us on a journey of our political history and points out "red flags", misuse of government power and where our future as a Nation lies accordng to how the Constituiton has been interpreted in our time and ramifications if changes are not made. He points out the net effect of excessive legislation which has become epidemic, illustrates how the limitations of terms has been misunderstood as well as the effect of entrenched power based on a seniority system in the House of Representatives.

One of my favorite sections, on page 55 is regarding the character of those representing the people/states. Saxey states " Character matters. It matters not only in candidates for public office, but in the CITIZENS who vote for them" (emphasis added). Roderick Saxey quotes Alexis de Tocqueville who spoke of the greatness of America, and who said "America is great because she is good and if America ever ceases to be good, America will cease to be great"! How appropriate for these times. The delightful surprise here, is that the Author's personality shines through what could be for some, difficult reading. His humor and humility are evident and enjoyable enough that you wish you could sit at a fireside chat and probe his intellect and insight further. For passionate American's this is a must read. I recommend it for any US History course and for any person seeking citizenship into our Nation! If a second edition comes forth, I'd like to hear more from Dr. Saxey himself, as his discourse is insighful, logical, sensible.

As history teaches us, we must look where we are headed as a nation and to do that, we must re-evaluate what our Founding Fathers intended for America and her people. "The Federalist", by Dr. Roderick Saxey accomplishes this and stands apart from other Federalist publications. I recommend that you find it, read it and keep it on your desk! An excellent source of stimulating conversation!

James Madison was the fourth President of the United States and is known as the Father of the Constitution. This juvenile biography by Jean Fritz is a concerted effort to provide young readers with an appreciation of "The Great Little Madison" as an indispensable force in the early history of the Republic. By focusing on Madison's personal liabilities of a weak speaking voice, an introverted personality, and the fact he was "no bigger than half a piece of soap," Fritz magnifies his accomplishments in influencing the future of the United States. In Fritz's story Madison's commitment to the "oneness" of America become a defining element that is epitomized in his hard work getting the Constitution written, signed and adopted, and then devoting the rest of his life to making it work.

Fritz pays as much attention to Madison's personal relationships as she does his political achievements. This includes not only his celebrated romance with Dolley Payne Todd and his friendship with Thomas Jefferson, but also his political clashes with Patrick Henry; while an ardent advocate of independence, Henry was probably the most articulate opponent of a Federal government. This 1989 biography is illustrated with prints and engravings, from a drawing of the "universe" Madison drew when he was 11 to notes he took at the Constitutional Convention, and photographs of a chair Jefferson made for his friend and his tombstone, in the shape of an obelisk, which simply read "MADISON" because no other name was needed.

Fritz's biography of Madison is the most reader friendly of the half-dozen similar volumes that are readily available, mainly because of the book's readability. Fritz makes this a narrative than what most young readers would expect from a biography, while still managing to make her case for the importance of what Madison did to create the three branches of government we all learn about as students. I fully anticipate that James Madison will be the next Founding Father to be celebrated by American historians (along with his wife, the beloved grand dame of Washington society both during and after their time in the White House), and "The Great Little Madison" helps to anticipate that eventuality. By tracing the life and contributions of the sickly child with the small voice who grew up to become our fourth President, she also provides a sense of identification her young readers may well appreciate.

This has become our favorite read-aloud no pictures story with my toddler. She gets the benefit of hearing spoken language about a subject she likes, and I get to learn something new every time we read it.

I would reccomend this book for older primary, even lower-level High School students. The story is enlightening, and inspiring for all Americans, young and old.

This is a very good study of Madison as president. Wills is, as always, a source of insight and the quality of writing is up to his usual high standard. Wills is primarily concerned with explaining why Madison's presidency was not very successful. Wills begins by reminding us that Madison's presidency was perhaps more successful than commonly perceived. He did serve 2 terms and did hand over the office to his chosen successor. The War of 1812, which he blundered into, was brought to a reasonably successful conclusion. Still, this is not a performance that matches his other remarkable achievements. Wills points out that Madison was constitutionally unsuited to being a President, particularly a wartime President. Madison was a modest, actually shy man, who excelled in the committee room but was certainly not the dynamic leader demanded by wartime events. Madison was not, however, merely swept along by events. Wills is careful to show that the War of 1812 was brought on in large part by Madison's unrealistic policies when in Jefferson's administration. Madison's doctrinaire Republicanism and own political choices also hampered his ability to conduct the war well. For example, he allowed the charter of the Bank of the United States to lapse, and the absence of a central bank became a major obstacle to adequate wartime financing. Following a point made originally by Henry Adams in his great series of books on the Jefferson and Madison administrations, what really saved the American republic were the institutions developed by the Federalists, notably the small but highly competent professional military and navy. Madison's administration would conclude with the de facto adoption of many Federalist policies. Wills provides also nice overviews of Madison's pre- and post-presidential careers. He is particularly good on Madison's attachment to the separation of Church and State. Wills is careful to give Madison his due for positive achievements as a President. For example, he was careful to stay within the bounds of the Constitution and his record on Civil Liberties as a wartime president is better than that of Lincoln or FDR. A good book that whets your interest for more information on Madison and this period of American history.

This is a neat little monograph on the presidency of James Madison. It is not meant to be a biography, and isn't. Nor is it meant to be a detailed account of Madison's presidency. It' intent is simple; why was James Madison's presidency not successful, especially when compared to his legislative career?

Without giving too much away, much of the answer in the simple fact that Madison's strengths were more suited to the legislative arena - the backroom negotiations and intellectual debates - than being out front as the leader of the of a bureaucracy. There's much more to the story, but I'll leave it to Wills to tell.

The author, Garry Wills, writes, "Madison's very presidency is semi-forgotten.", and addresses the question "How could James Madison be so outstanding in certain aspects of his life and be overshadowed in others." The text states that an explanation "...could take one of three approaches based on circumstances, on temperament or on specific errors." However, none of these fully explain the dichotomy Madison presents.

Wills notes that Madison had weak points which he carried over to the presidency: "...a certain provincialism with regard to the rest of the world and a certain naiveté with regard to the rest of his human beings." The book's first three chapters cover the "Pre-Presidential Years" noting "Madison is called the father of the Constitution. It is a title deeply deserved on many accounts." He had an intimate connection with all three administrations preceding his presidency being responsible for the framing and passage of the Bill of Rights.

The balance of the book, ten chapters, covers his presidency. He became president under very difficult circumstances. Jefferson literally had given up governing the nation for four crucial months passing on a stalled executive to Madison who had no real executive experience before becoming president. Lacking leadership experience the author relates the many cabinet and personnel problems he experienced while his provincialism often allowed him to get suckered punched in foreign affairs. Contrary to common belief, the Congressional "War Hawks" of the West did not thrust the War of 1812 on him. Madison wanted the war.

The author gives a succinct account of Madison and the conduct of the war from the aborted attempt to conquer Canada to the bright performance of the American Navy. In 1814 when the war was shifting in America's favor, Washington was burned in what the author calls "a perfect study of what was wrong with Madison' conduct of the war..." Political basis for military appointments (a practice continued into the Civil War) and reliance on state militia rather than army professionals contributed significantly to the Washington debacle.

The text gives a brief account of the work of the American peace commission and the treaty ending the war, which the Senate approved on February 16, 1815. The author notes, "Not a single one of its announced war goals had been reached....", but notes that "During his last year in office, Madison rode the swell of popular nationalism...." During the war Madison was truer to the strictures of the Constitution than any subsequent war president "as if to prove that the Constitution did not have to be jettisoned in a crisis."

Garry Wills answers the question of how could James Madison be so outstanding in certain aspects of his life and be overshadowed in others. He concludes this book writing "No man could do everything for the country-not even Washington. Madison did more than most, and did some things better than any. That is quite enough."

The reader will find parallels in today's national politics with the political shenanigans of the Madison era.

Rakove's contribution to Madisonian scholarship is well advanced, despite the great heights at has already achieved, by this collection. An erudite reviewer mentioned this might have benefited from stage setting by Rakove and this is true, for Rakove is among the few who could have set the stage for so precise and capacious a topic as Madison's refelctions. Despite the absence of background it is an excllent collection. In this 250 th year of Madison's birth and considering the recent scholarship by Rakove, Banning, McCoy, Rosen,and Mattern, the time may have arrived for Madison to be transformed from a forgotten lieutenant, or a keeper of arcanum, to a state of appreciation by all.

The American Founders are receiving a great deal of merited attention in popular histories such as "John Adams" and "The Founding Brothers." These books have the merits of readability and accesibility -- of providing knowledge and historical context of the early days of our country in a relatively short but informed compass.

The Library of America's series of writings by America's Founders -- including Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton and many others besides the book of James Madison's writings -- are longer and more difficult to read. They consist of original texts with only the slightest endnotes and historical chronology. (In this book of Madison's writings, the historical chrononogy is excellent) The disadvantage, if that is the correct word, of the Library of American's series is that reading these books takes substantial effort and digging. In addition, it is difficult to stop with one book, as each collection relates to and requires and understanding of the work of the other Founders. The advantage these books offer, though, can't be found anywhere else. They offer a chance to meet and encounter American's Founders in their own words and on their own terms and to see the development of their thoughts over time.

James Madison (1751-1836) was probably America's greatest political thinker. His career spanned the Revolutionary War, the formation of the Articles of the Confederation, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights, the creation of party in America, the Louisiana Purchase, and the War of 1812, which occurred during his Presidency.

The Library of America's collection of over 900 pages offers a rare opportunity to read in one place the major writings of James Madison. It allows the reader an opportunity to assess his importance and to see the themes Madison developed throughout his life.

A major contribution of Madison was his insistence on freedom of religion in the United States and his opposition to any established sect. These theme pervades this volume from the Amendments Madison proposed to the Virginia declaration of rights in 1776, through the Bill of Rights, Madison's Presidency, and beyond.

Madison was also the architect of representative government. He was a member of the Constitutional Convention and took copious notes of its proceedings. He was the major draftsman of the Constitution. He spoke for both a strong National government and for representative government -- in which the people chose their leaders.

Together with Alexander Hamilton, Madison wrote the Federalist papers which explained the Constitution to the people of New York but in a larger sense to the United States in his day and in succeeding days as well. This collaboration was significant in that Madison and Hamilton would later quarrel and be the founders of the party system. Madison and Jefferson spoke for what has become the Democratic Party (the "democracy) with its emphasis at the time on individual rights and participatory democracy and a narrow reading of Federal power while Hamilton became the spokseman for a strong central government and for economic development.

The book chronicle's Madison's efforts in supporting and drafting the Bill of Rights. Subsequently, Madison wrote a lengthy article for the State of Virginia expressing opposition to the Alien and Sedition Acts that Congress enacted during the Presidency of John Adams. The opposition was based on the inconsistency of the act with the freedom of speech set forth in the First Amendment and to the lack of authority for these Acts in the original constitution.

The book has comparatively little on Madison's career as Secretary of State under Thomas Jefferson and on Madison's own relatively unsuccessful Presidency during the War of 1812.

Upon leaving the Presidency, Madison enjoyed a long retirement at Montpelier. This collection gives a good view of Madison's continued activity during this time. It discusses his views on slavery and on the impending Missouri compromise (Madison opposed it -- an opposition that would haunt the United States in the later Dred Scott decision) and on Judicial Supremacy -- the power of the Supreme Court to declare laws unconstitutional. (Madison agreed the Court had this power but he disagreed with the way Chief Justice Marshall used it.)

One of the final items in this book is a short, two paragraph article entitled "Advice to my Country" written 1n 1834 as a parting before Madison's death. Looking at the impending conflict between North and South, but speaking to our time as well Madison wrote:

"The advice nearest to my heart and deepest in my convictions is that the Union of the States be cherished and perpetuated."

This is an important wish for our country now as then.

This book will repay reading and study. The study of our Founders is, I think, one of the best ways to learn to love and understand our country.

This volume captures the essence of Madison's writings through the editor's skill in presenting 191 documents out of an archive of more than 25000 documents. Mr. Rakove presents a generally balanced array of letters, speeches, and essays which are arranged chronologically. Included are all the Federalist Papers authored by Madison. The editor provided many documents dealing with the Jay Treaty and Alien and Sedition Act, but fell short in providing sufficient material during the period of Madison's cabinet position as Secretary of State, covering the Louisiana Purchase and the conflict with Britain and France prior to the War of 1812. That deficiency may well be based on lack of documentation. The book itself is elegant, beautifully printed and is provided with a copy of the Constitution, notes, an excellent chronology and a good index.