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Miami and Cuba had a long relationship way before the revolution came to the island nation. Many of the wealthy sugar barons, rum distillers and tobacco kings kept their cash in South Florida. Miami was the playground for the rich and famous of Cuba usually occupying more hotel space than the rather well known northern snow birds of today.
The politics of dislocation is discussed indepth to help one understand the often hostile position of Cuban-Americans toward Castro and Cuba today. Something of a surprise for me was the way the first wave of exiles often viewed the newcommers of the second wave commanly known as the Marielitos with suspicion.
The influence of wealthy Cuban businessmen of yesterday and today are felt in many places of the US in Finance, Educational Scholars, Politics and Government. They superficially touch base on this without going into a lot of detail but it still one understand from where they have come from to where they are going.
The Catholic church plays a very important role in almost all Cubans' lifes. Many of the cultural and religious specific traditions are explained in great detail. All of the refugees from the first wave and operation Pedro Pan were mainly cared for by Catholic charaties, which also reinforces their beliefs and support for the church.
Gloria Estefan, Willy Chirino, Silvio Fontanellas and other Cuban-Americans who have contributed to Cuban culture in the area of music and arts is only briefly discussed on several pages. As a passionate listner of Cuban music, I thought it would have been great if they would have introduced other Cuban musicians in South Florida but then again, this is not a publication about Cuban music.
Exiles love to dream about the Island but I think this chapter is a little bit niave as most of the Cubans think that once Castro is gone they will all return home. I have been in Europe during the fall of the wall and many of the former East Germans dreamt about going back to their former country and rebuilding their homes and reuniting their families. This all turned out to be falacy. Those that tried to come back and claim their property were detested by their families who remained in the Communist part and saw their relatives from West with a lot of suspicion. Many family reunions didn't last long and the their dreams were shattered. Things will be different when Castro is gone but it will not be like most Cuban exiles think. Family members who have stayed in Cuba the entire time will want to have their property as well, citing the suffering they have endured under Castro as their rights to the deeds. More important is that exile Cubans understand what caused the revolution and that they try to avoid the pitfalls of their predecessors.
Most companies prepare a business plan and if it is not bearing fruit after a certain amount of time they decide to try something else. Perhaps the Cuban exile community should try and persue a dialogue with Cuba. Fourty years of isolation hasn't worked guys.
For those interested in understanding the Cuban-American experience, especially after the Elian Gonzalez events, this book is a must. Ironically, and it gives it more credibility, this book was written prior to the Elian saga. Yet, I think it can help answer to others why this group of opinionated, passionate, and often stubborn Cuban-Americans have reacted the way they have on the Elian debate. It indeed answers a lot of questions regarding the political, economic, and social idiosyncrasies of Cuban-Americans. Answers to such questions as why Cuban-Americans are the only Hispanic group (and probably only "minority" in this country) with an overwhelming Republican Party affiliation? Why economically Cuban-Americans have been such great implementers of the "American Dream" in such a short amount of time? Why socially Cuban-Americans are closer to the American family and religious values held in the 1950s in this country?
The authors have done a wonderful job of capturing and reporting a sense of a Cuban-nostalgic state-of-mind that only exists in the Cuban-Americans' psychic, almost frozen in time. It is a testimony of perseverance and survival to the older and first generation of Cuban exiles that arrived in this country. Their main accomplishment has been to be able to pass this "dream" or state-of-mind to the next generations. The book's last page states - "In Miami, but not in Havana, you can buy a "Cuban sandwich" and "Cuban bread," Bacardi rum and Hatuey beer." This I find ironic and hopefully fitting. Who knows? It is, I think, in the end this kind of Cuban-American capitalistic mentality which might bring back to Cuba itself a sense of Cuban identity at some point in time. Not to mention of course a sense of family and religious believes kept alive by that first generation of exiles. A sense of family and religious believes that unfortunately no longer exist in that island.
Like other groups of immigrants to this country, this book shows the Cuban-American experience as homage to the human spirit, survival, and a great tribute in itself to this great country of ours. If you're of Cuban descent and live in exile, this book will make you proud, sad, and also hopeful. If you're not of Cuban descent and living in this country, this book will make you better understand that other group of Americans residing in "Cuban Miami". And yes, it should also make you very proud of this country.
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However, it presents the material from a particular viewpoint that makes its coverage somewhat selective, and possibly misleading on some topics. The underlying assumption of the book is that Brazil up until the 1990's was divided into a well-to-do politically empowered elite and an impoverished and mostly illiterate underclass, with little social mobility and no political influence. This assumption is too simplistic. At least by 1960 there was a large and thriving middle class, ranging from skilled industrial workers to well-educated professionals and a great number of independent small businessmen. Although these people were generally not rich, they could lead reasonably comfortable lives, and their political influence was (and has continued to be) much greater than Levine makes clear. For example, the social unrest that led to the military 1964 coup against President Goulart was most prominent in the middle class; I can testify to that because I was there while the strikes, demonstrations and protests were becoming more and more vigorous during 1961, '62 and '63, and I saw where the impetus was coming from.
A key fact that few Americans know (and even many Brazilians don't know) is that over the last 200+ years, the average rate of growth of GDP in Brazil has been higher than the average rate of growth of GDP in the United States. This is not immediately obvious, because Brazil still lags so far behind the USA in GDP per capita; it's explained by the fact that in the late 18th century the USA was already comparatively prosperous, whereas almost all Brazilians lived in abject poverty. So Brazil has been playing catchup, and has come a long ways, although still with a long way to go. Levine fails to point this out. He also writes as if the economic progress since the 1930s has only benefitted the elite, and this is just not so; much of the economic progress has been a steady enlargement of the middle class.
He also fails to point out the extent to which Brazil is now competitive in the world economy. Brazil has exported hundreds of commercial aircraft to the United States; it supplies a significant fraction of US imports of pharmaceuticals; it exports machine tools to Germany; it exports automobiles to many coutries; it exports military hardware such as armored personnel carriers to a number of countries; and so on. To be sure, it also exports plenty of commodity raw materials, but the recent economic stability in the face of falling commodity prices in the world market is largely due to Brazil's high-tech exports.
So, in short, this is a fine book, and I recommend it wholeheartedly, but read it with the understanding that it only gives part of the story.
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