An excellent book on the life of Hubert H. Humphrey, by the subject himself. I have read others pieces on Humphrey, but this work comes through in his own voice, as if he is sitting there talking to you. As biographies go, I think Carl Solberg's book on the late Vice President is the most thorough on the subject, but Humphrey's account is the most readable. The subject is also well done by Dan Cohen.

This is a great read. Here, Humphrey sums up his life, his beliefs and his goals for the coming years. Those who want to know what our nation should be like ought to read this book.

Humphrey dreamed of an opportunity society in which the public and private good made sure that all of our citizens had access to such basic human needs as health care, a human and living wage, education, day care, family leave, a job and a safe neighobrhood and environment. He dreamed of a society in which we would all be equal, regardless of who we are or what our skin color is. Has his dream come true? Of course not. The 'new right' in America has declared war on all that is good about our government and its humanitarian goals. They have declared war on the workers and unions which Humphrey so adored. They have declared war on basic labor regulations. They ought to read Humphrey's autobiography and grow a heart!

Hubert Humphrey in his last speech before Congerss said something which has touched me and is my political motto:"The moral test of government is how it treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in the shadows of life, the sick, the needy and the handicapped." We need to make sure that America does not fail the 'moral test of government.'

For those who see Humphrey as a has-been civil rights leader and as LBJ's Vice President, I urge you to read this book and see how radically pro-labor and pro-civil rights he was. It's a good read!

Solberg offers a well-researched and fair biography of one of America's greatest Senators this century and a former Vice President. From his pharmacy days till his death we get the full view of Humphrey's life. Maybe of more interest to history buffs than the average person, this is still well worth a read if you can track down a copy.

Hubert Humphrey, who served in the US Senate for 24 years and dominated that body as few men ever have, has long been a greatly underrated figure by political biographers and historians. Far more than the Kennedy brothers or Lyndon Johnson, Humphrey was a crusader for liberal causes even when they were unpopular, and his leadership in the cause of civil rights puts virtually every other major politician to shame. Yet today Humphrey is almost forgotten by most Americans, and other, less worthy men have gained the credit for the social and economic change that should have been his. Carl Solberg, in this solidly-researched, if somewhat pedestrian biography, shows why Humphrey came to be a rather tragic figure in the history of American liberalism. Humphrey was born in 1911 in the tiny town of Doland (population, about 700) on the isolated South Dakota prairie. The dominant figure in his early life was his father, the town pharmacist and "token" Democrat, whom he adored. Humphrey's childhood was generally happy, but it came to an abrupt end when the Great Depression struck. All of Doland's banks closed and many other businesses failed as the local farmers and townsfolk couldn't afford to pay their bills. The Humphrey drugstore also suffered, and the family had to sell their handsome house and move into a much smaller one. Eventually, Humphrey's father gave up on the dying town and moved to the larger town of Huron, where the local townspeople at first gave his family the cold shoulder and the already-established pharmacists tried to run him out of business. The Humphreys had to fight to survive and young Hubert, who had dreamed of getting a college degree and leaving South Dakota behind, was forced to get a pharmacy degree and help his father run the drugstore. He hated it and after seven years finally told his father that he couldn't do it anymore. He went to college at the University of Minnesota, earned a master's degree in political science, and quickly moved into Democratic politics in the city of Minneapolis. At the age of 34 he was elected Mayor, where he rooted out crooks and helped the labor unions. In 1948 he first achieved the national spotlight with a dramatic speech to the Democratic National Convention in which he forcefully pushed the cause of civil rights for blacks, earning him friends among liberal Democrats but enraging the Southern segregationists, who vowed revenge. Elected to the US Senate in 1948, Humphrey was at first scorned by the angry Southern segregationists who ran the Senate and regarded Humphrey as a wild-eyed fanatic who wanted to give blacks the right to vote (which he did). Humphrey refused to be intimidated and stood his ground, eventually winning friends among liberal Northern Democrats and the respect and affection of even the Southerners. Yet time and again Humphrey, always a poor man in a rich man's political game, found himself passed over for Senate leadership posts and the Presidency by wealthier or less-liberal candidates. In 1960 Humphrey's underfunded presidential campaign was crushed by the Kennedys, who bought huge numbers of votes in the West Virginia primary to finish him off. In 1964 he was picked as Lyndon Johnson's running mate, but his four years as Vice-President were miserable. Johnson was consistently bullying and even backstabbing to Humphrey, despite his loyal service, and Humphrey's support of the Vietnam War (he felt obliged to support the President no matter what his own private feelings about the war) caused many of his liberal supporters to turn against him. In 1968 Humphrey finally won the Democrats' nomination for President, but the bloody riots outside the Convention between Chicago police and antiwar protestors, combined with a bitter split in the party over the Vietnam War, led to his narrow defeat by Republican Richard Nixon. Humphrey eventually made it back to the US Senate, but he was defeated in 1972 and 1976 by lesser-known (and lesser-qualified) Democrats for the presidential nomination. He died from cancer in 1978. Solberg's great insight in this biography is that Humphrey failed to become President because he was both ahead of, and then behind, his times. In the late 1940's and 1950's his fiery speeches on behalf of civil rights and other liberal causes led Democrats to complain that he was too "radical" and "extreme" to be elected President - he was too "liberal" for the country's mood. Yet by the late sixties his support of the Vietnam War led younger liberals to claim he was too "conservative" and "behind the times" to be President. Given Humphrey's achievements - Medicare, the Voting Rights Act, and the Peace Corps were just a few of his ideas which other Presidents put into place - many older liberals may regret that they didn't support him for President in 1968, and many younger liberals may wish they currently had a crusader like Humphrey to lead them. Although Solberg's writing style is rather pedestrian, overall he does a fine job of describing the life of a man who should be rated among the most creative political leaders of the last fifty years.

We know that Carl Solberg took this subject upon his own knowledge of this subject as a expert Time-Life staffer and Minnesota insider to undertake this project. It is a well written and well researched. There are not too many like this account. It fills in a dearth of Humphrey biographies