Having traveled to many of the countries about which Misha Glenny wrote just as those countries were in the midst of change and having had the benefit of staying with good friends who are citizens of those countries and visiting many of the social institutions of the countries--that is, having a bit of an "inside view," I had such a strong feeling of the ring of authenticity as I read the Glenny book. In some ways, it was uncanny to read his words and recall that my friends and professional colleagues had described situations in almost the same words. He is a sensitive and gifted writer! This is a book well worth reading for every one who hopes to consider herself or himself informed.

Misha Glenny's The Balkans is an outstanding effort to make sense of the current imbroglio by placing it into historical context. Too many people have no understanding of the region's past, so the temptation to conclude that "those people have hated one another for a thousand years" legitimizes sensationalized media reports. Glenny's intent to prove otherwise resulted in this provocative and engrossing account.

Glenny argues there is no historical basis for national hatreds visible today. During the Ottoman period Serb and Croat, Muslim and Christian lived side by side with little hostile interaction. Religion and culture superseded political identities in defining Balkan society. Glenny does not dispute the theory that the Ottoman Empire was the "sick man of Europe" but the Ottomans did provide a stabilizing presence in the area, even after the Serb rebellion of 1804.

However, Balkan history is far from benign. War has always been a determinant in the political landscape. Unfortunately, brutal murder, rape, and carnage were characteristics that survived modernizing efforts. Throughout the 19th century, individual Balkan groups took on the Ottomans (Serbia in 1804, Greece from 1821-30, Croatia in 1848) with varying outcomes, but it was not until 1885 that two Balkan nations first fought one another. Beginning in 1878, but particularly after 1885, the storm that eventually became World War One began to take shape. Soon the whole world was impacted by Balkan history. But the Balkans were not solely responsible for any of the world's conflicts, and they certainly do not have a monopoly on war-related atrocities.

Yet this does not mean present Serb-Croat and/or Bosnian tensions were inevitable. In fact, Glenny writes of specific dates when Serbs and Croats came to blows (as in World War Two, 1967, or after 1991) but implies the interim there was relatively calm. Bosnia is specifically discussed at certain points (1908, 1914, 1992) but it is not a scene of nonstop bloodletting.

Glenny's work reflects a masterful understanding of his subject. Many readers may learn of events for the first time. The Greek-Turkish War of 1921-3, or the several pre1999 incidents of conflicts over Kosovo are examples. A Serb bias is noticeable, and his portrayal of Stalin as cooperative with the West detracts somewhat from the book, but the overall effort is excellent. The Balkans should be considered by anyone interested in southeast Europe.

Glenny's The Balkans is easily the best work on the subject in print to date. While managing to stay above the fray of inter-ethnic rivalries, Glenny provides a clear picture of modern Balkan history, arguing that the troubles the region suffers from is not the result of years of mutual ethnic hatereds, but rather the result of constant interference by the Great Powers (whomever that may be at the time.) The book is just short of encyclopedic - its depth and scope can be overwhelming at times. Nonetheless, I found it a fascinating read. Glenny looks beyond "Yugoslavia" in his study of the Balkans, giving attention to Greece, Turkey, Bulgaria and Romania as players (and victims) in the "Eastern Quesiton." This is as it should be. His argument about "outside forces" interfereing with the nationalistic development of the Balkan peoples is convinving. Yet there are flaws. The Slovenes are hardly addressed at all; one would think they warrant at least some consideration in any discussion of the area. Comparitively little time is spent on Romania and Bulgaria after the Second World War, and even less is devoted to the sticky issues of the Vojvodina, Banat and Backa - all of which face similar issues with Serbia as Kossovo does. My final criticism is his all too brief treatment and hasty analysis of the "disintegration" of Yugoslavia in the early 90's. With that said, I recommend this book to the serious reader or student of the region only. The information is dense, the history is complicated, and the major players (within and without the Balkans) can confuse the uninitiated. I am confident you will enjoy The Balkans as much as I did.

Glenny presents a very refreshing, well-planned, and very readable general survery of modern Balkan history. Starting out with a discussion of the "West's" Orientalist outlook on the Balkans, Glenny sets out to discuss the region's history with a view to correct many of the misconceptions developed in the popular foreign discourse on the region.

Glenny's extensive discussion of the history of the non-Yugoslav nations is also appreciated, as the history of these nations has often been forgotten, despite their historical involvement with the Yugoslav state.

Having lived and travelled in the Balkans, I can say from personal experiences and encounters that Glenny conveys an accurate, and relatively unbiased account of the region's rich history. This book is a MUST for anyone interested in understanding the past, present, and future of this most interesting region. It is a shame that most of the policy makers, and journalists involved with the region have not read this book -- a fact made plain by their often skewed coverage.

This book was among the first of the now almost countless multitude of books written by reporters, commentators, political analysts, etc. on the collapse of the former Yugoslovia. As such, it became a standard text for many people to "find out what's going on over there." It's not that it's a bad book, many sections are quite informative, but as some of the reviews below note, it assumes readers already have some knowledge of the intricacies of Yugoslav politics and a grasp of the local geography. Also, it's hardly an impartial book (which, given the author's first-hand observance of many events, is understandable), so readers looking for objectivity are better served by other sources. I also agree with the reviewer below who recommends the documentary "Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation"; I recommend the companion book of the same title even more (by Laura Silber and Allan Little)--it's the best short survey of events in Yugoslavia from the late 1980s to ca 1995. However, I have to correct a gross error: CNN's Christiane Amanpour did not make the above documentary, rather the BBC did (Amanpour lacks both the knowledge and skill to produce such an excellent piece of documentary reporting). In conclusion, Glenny's book should be read only to get additional background information and more detail on specific wartime events during the early 1990s.

Glenny's book is a detailed guide to the places and people in dynamic conflict at the beginning of the "Third Balkan War". From Milan Babic and his hate-crazed Serb followers in the Krajina, to the March 1991 opposition rally in the streets of Belgrade, to the appalling destruction of Vukovar and Mostar, Glenny focuses on the personalities of the leaders and the people who trapped themselves in a cynical and inevitable march towards self-destruction. Greedy, corrupt leaders vaulted to the fore by tapping into a subconscious vein of popular nationalism. They were followed over the edge by unthinking adherents characterized by a uniquely Balkan combination of ruthlessness, self-righteousness, and utter inhumanity. It is good to ride with Glenny as he travels through a country in the process of explosive suicide if only to remind ourselves that even in Europe civilization is but a thin facade masking deep hatreds and combustive violence.

Glenny's central thesis, that Serb hegemony over Croats in a united Yugoslavia and Croat hegemony over Serbs in an independent Croatia will always lead to tensions is incontrovertible. His corollary, that wicked self-serving leaders are able to exploit these tensions and turn them to violence in the absence of a reasoned political debate and vigorous interest by the international communtiy, is an indictment of the Slavs' chronic inability to compromise.

Could Yugoslavia have split up peacefully? Probably, but not after popular elections gave power to leaders such as Tudjman and Milosevic. It is a fantastical jump to posit that Yugoslavs could have engaged in a peaceful separation on the Czech/Slovak model, because the first criterion for such a process is enlightened leadership in Zagreb and Belgrade. This does not exist. There was nothing inevitable about the Third Balkan War, we all saw it coming like a train wreck and it happened all the same. Glenny's first-hand account written in an engaging prose that combines journalism and historical analysis is an excellent guide to these tragic events.

Having worked in Bosnia in the late '80s, this book has particular relevance for me. I know the place names, the people, the locations and the language. Those 4 characteristics seem essential for gleaning a lot from this book, since the events it describes, as Mr Glenny readily admits, were felt to be so confusing for "Western" television audiences that some events were at times misrepresented altogether.

Irrespective of that requirement for basic (historical) knowledge about the conflict, I believe that this is a superlative example not solely of journalism on the go, but of weaving together the actions of the various actors - people, governments, movements, acronyms - into a coherent frame. To say that "sanctions should not be imposed on either Serbia or Croatia" undermines much of the political rhetoric spewed out by Western nations, explicitly recognising the futility of NATO or anyone else do to ANYthing about the multitude of conflcits that took place simultaneously: we can't do anything about it, so lets impose some sanctions.

This is not a book for the novice, however, since novices cannot be expected to understand the wealth of detail at any more than the most superficial level. Unfortunately, such is the nature of popular journalism, TV viewers will never be anything but novices - shocked by images for a few seconds, but not really understanding WHY anything happens. Unfortunately, it seems that politicians didn't understand why either, and many of the problems resulted from inappropriate actions taken in consequence.