If you need a new way of reading more than you need a new book, buy Ecofeminist Literary Criticism. The mailman handed me my copy as I was leaving town for the Adirondack High Peaks. I took a field guide out of my backpack and slipped this treasure in instead. There would be no book like it on the "library" shelves at the Johns Brook Lodge. None of the ADKers (Adirondack Mountain Club members), none of the staff interns (ecology students from Cornell University), none of the eco-tourists (who shopped for nature writing at The Mountaineer) would have donated reading as revolutionary as this. This is a book of trailblazers.

In Ecofeminist Literary Criticism, Greta Gaard and Patrick D. Murphy feature essays by young academics who have examined recent literary works by Octavia Butler, Linda Hogan, Ana Castillo, Ursula LeQuin, Pat Mora, Sally Tisdale, Nora Naranjo-Morse (and many more). I knew that none of these women's works were on the lodge shelves next to well-worn nature writers. But, I also knew hikers gathering at the lodge would be hungry for the ideas these women (and their scholars) offer.

Dinner conversations revealed as much. The former forest technician now factory worker (union steward), no doubt had read little Chicana fiction, but our discussions of labor politics and environmental injustice were in tune with Kamala Platt's "Ecocritical Chicana Literature: Ana Castillo's 'Virtual Realism.'" His wife, school psychologist on her first backpacking trip, found a perfect guide in Greta Gaard's "Hiking without a Map: Reflections on Teaching Ecofeminist Literary Criticism." For the mother and daughter reading a Kingslover novel aloud, there is Karla Armbruster's "'Buffalo Gals, Won't You Come Out Tonight': A Call for Boundary-Crossing in Ecofeminist Literary Criticism" or Stacy Alaimo's "'Skin Dreaming': The Bodily Transgressions for Fielding Burke, Octavia Butler, and Linda Hogan" -- either essay would invite the women to reread the novel in hand as well as their lives on and off trail. For the cook studying primate cognition, I suggest Deborah Slicer's "Toward an Ecofeminist Standpoint Theory: Bodies as Grounds." Those eager to ask difficult questions about the interaction of human and non-human will devour this book, applying its lessons to other texts and contexts.

Hikers at Johns Brook Lodge, although often maligned as narrow-minded eco-tourists who see ecology as a Big Outside to be mapped and traversed, are ready for the scholars and activists featured in Ecofeminist Literary Criticism. This book, intended to transform English Studies in universities, needs to be read at bus stops and mountain huts. Plan on leaving a copy at the crossroads.

Lori J. Anderson

P.S. I am a poet, one of the women speaking in Patrick D. Murphy's essay, "'The Women are Speaking': Contemporary Literature as Theoretical Critique." As Gaard and Murphy assert, feminists tend to ignore the ecology in literary works. Critics often praise sexual politics or language experiments in my collection but downplay my ecological concerns. Patrick D. Murphy places my work in the context of contemporary ecofeminism: for that, I am indebted to him. He offers by far the best reading of my often misunderstood title, Cultivating Excess. He teaches me new ways of articulating my own goals. Ecofeminist Literary Criticism will be essential in forming my new work.

I read this book in hope of some illumination of the history and direction of the Green Party. And I did receive quite a detailed history of the contentious period for the party in the early 90's. Gaard is the only author I know of who has given some specific information on the development of Green Youth organizing in America, something I am particularly pleased with. Gaard's exploration of the ecofeminist Green perspective was also refreshing.

However, Gaard's clear and unending bias against the electoral expression of the Green movement, namely the Green Party, limits her ability to give credible counsel to the direction of the Party. The direction Greens have gone in clearly has not been pleasing to Gaard, but the fact that Ralph Nader will again be a Green national candidate is pretty clear. I hope that she decides to get her hands 'dirty' and join us in the trenches to fight for a democratic & feminist Green Party and for a Greener government.

Charles Douglas Arcata, CA Coordinator, Campus Greens of Humboldt State University Member, Coordinating Committee, Green Party of California

Greta Gaard has written a tremendously helpful book that examines the development of Green politics in the U.S. from the first murmurs of ecofeminism and of animal rights, and the joining of radical ecologists and anti-nuke activists into a Committee of Correspondence in the 1980ís, to the conclusion of the Nader for President campaign and the subsequent split in 1996. She brings a particular perspective to these struggles, which could be called a a cooperative social ecofeminism, with a grounding in animal rights. She is unequivocally anti-capitalist, and not simply a populist asking for corporate account-ability and other reforms within the capitalist system. As critical as she is of the Left Greens, in the larger picture she is certainly an ally of the left. Of that larger picture, it reminds her of the allegory of the six blind folks who grasp different parts of an elephantís body and tell each other of the totality they are witnessing first-hand. As a theorist, Gaard skillfully weaves a Social Ecofemninist interpretation into a demonstrably fair history of the main currents within the Greens. And she illuminates some of the smaller eddies and whirlpools that have, unfortunately, been spun off in the rush toward the mainstream. Walt Sheasby

Book Review: Ecological Politics, Ecofeminists and the Greens, by Greta Gaard, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 1998 Ecofeminists are often marginalized by the patriarchal Greens and Animal Liberation movements. I read Greta Gaard's new book in the hope that it would help me understand the dynamics of the Greens movement so that I might extrapolate this information to perceived problems within the Animal Liberation movement. Professor Gaard details the ideological complexities of the Greens and Ecofeminist movements, and their interactions, with detail and clarity and from every angle. This informative and thought-provoking new book details the authors' involvement in the Greens movement and political party. It chronicles in detail the philosophical differences within the Greens movement and within Ecofeminism, the effect that these differences have had on the course of the Greens movement to date, and demonstrates how the Nader, 1996 presidential campaign betrayed both Greens and Ecofeminist Philosophy.

Professor Gaard begins with a graphic representation and description of the sources of Ecofeminism, which she points out is fundamentally a feminist theory with deep connections to the environmental and peace movements, but including feminist spirituality, animal liberation, environmental, anti-toxics, radical feminist, womanist, socialist ecofeminist, social ecofeminist and activist ecofeminist activism. She describes the growth of the Ecofeminist and Greens movements, and their parallel development, in detail. Information presented in one chapter is reworked and presented from a different perspective in another to give clarity to this enormously complex subject. There are complete appendices giving the chronology of developments within Ecofeminism and the Greens and a substantial, relevant bibliography.

Sexism had been recognized as a major problem in the German Greens party, and Ecofeminists predicted that the success of the U. S. Greens movement would depend on an ability to recognize and uproot patriarchy. This was an especially important point since, from the start, all branches of the U. S. Greens movement have been predominantly white, male, heterosexual and middle class. The movement has been marked by struggles over Feminist and Ecofeminist issues, and separate women's caucuses have been formed. Women also had to struggle with masculinist styles of work, debate and leadership, and it soon became apparent that the endless debates about the representation of various constituencies were being fought over contentiously by the men in the movement, while the women focused on cooperation and building.

Animal Liberation concerns within the Greens have met with little success, and by 1990 it had become apparent that the Greens movement was not a suitable place for an Animal Liberation activist, and indeed many had already left. Many Greens activists are unable to confront their own speciesism and, for many, it is perfectly possible to discuss non-violence while eating animal flesh. Professor Gaard points out that Ecofeminism is the only radical environmental theory to adequately address issues of animal liberation.

With the decision among the Greens to form a political party and run a Presidential candidate, there was a shift in focus away from grass roots that was accompanied by a corresponding decrease in importance of the Ecofeminist presence within the movement. The scope of electoral campaigns and the practices of electoral politics in general are such that the focus is on quickly obtainable, visible, vote-getting changes, rather than the kind of long-range, radical change envisioned by the Greens. The Green's original vision of grass roots democracy, decentralization and post-patriarchal values was betrayed by the ill-advised Nader campaign. Nader was not a Green and never intended to run on a Green platform. Ignoring gay and other rights and not addressing the concerns of workers, his philosophy tended toward "one liberation fits all." This philosophy served the needs of the dominant group, subordinating the interests of marginalized groups. As the Greens made a transition from grassroots movement to political party, Ecofemism began to be seen as a subsidiary to the Greens movement rather that a philosophy and movement valuable in its' own right.

Given the amount of energy that women in the Animal Liberation movement often find themselves spending on battles over whether feminist of Ecofeminist issues are "really animal issues," this book is very relevant. A strong network of Ecofeminist women is needed in this movement also, as a source of strength, nurturance, and empowerment. Those working for radical change would do well to read the histories of other movements and learn from them. The author points out that both Greens and Ecofeminists need to form alliances with other progressive movements such as the Social Justice, Anti-toxics, Labor and Queer movements, in order to build a progressive movement through an inclusive network alliance of diverse groups based on solidarity rather than unity. She concludes that: "A radically democratic movement for social and ecological justice will be larger than ecofeminism and larger than the Greens." She also concludes that, as long as women continue to be oppressed in a patriarchal society, they will be oppressed in a progressive movement also. I would add: "Amen" to that. Ecofeminists working within a mixed gender organization can be overruled or ignored, so that an autonomous Ecofeminist movement is necessary.

In the space allotted, it is not possible to do justice to this important book, which is extremely detailed. I would recommend that every Ecofeminist and everyone working working in the Animal Liberation movement read it carefully and learn from it.