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I think the rule has relevance even to a modern, non-monastic Christian life, by offering a model of rhythm and simplicity. In this time of shaken confidence, the twelve steps of humility is a refreshing thought. The rule presents a challenge to the modern to "Renounce yourself in order to follow Christ".
It is, however, helpful to have a guidebook such as Chittister's or de Wall's, in order to understand how the Rule is applied, and what wisdome people have found in it who have actually lived under its strictures for years and even decades. That will help the reader understand what value there is in the Rule.
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By bringing together participants in two networks of scholars specializing in various aspects of the relations between, and among, the United States, Japan and Canada, the editors of this volume have done a service to those seeking to understand the issues. They rightly claim that the book assembles the insights of scholarly specialists in Canada, the Untied States, and Japan across the disciplinary expanses of economics, business, law, diplomacy, political science, and geography.
The book has had a long genesis. It began with a conference in Tokyo in 1993(founded in the form of the Canada Japan Research Award), the publication in Japanese in 1995 of some of the articles (that volume won the Canadian Prime Minister's Award for Publishing in Japan), and now the current book which includes revised and updated versions of the original, together with new contributions. The volume is especially helpful in situating Japan within the conjuncture of three friendly countries in the north Pacific, and this it does very well.
While the reflection and consciousness-raising provided through this process are evident, the disadvantage is that some of the material and judgments could be dated, especially as the book went to press last year. It is gratifying to note that the contributors have largely avoided this pitfall. However, some contributors on more immediate issues suffer from data no more recent than 1995. More serious is the occasional jarring reference to a 'declining' of the United States from which some conclusions as to relative weights of the United States, Japan and Europe are drawn. Decline of the political and economic variety may have been perceived in the United States early in the decade though it has scarcely been a factor since.
The presentation of a north Pacific triangle is perhaps overdrawn. The title does beg a glance at J.B. Brebner's classic North Atlantic Triangle (1946) which shows relationships on a scale that is simply not present among the United States, Japan, and Canada. Several articles in the volume are, rightly in my view, not about a triangle at all and treat strictly bilateral issues. There is plenty of room to make constructive contributions to the understanding of the extend and complexity of Japan/USA and USA/Canada relations.
To a sometime practitioner of Canada's bilateral relations with Japan, the interesting issue is why people Japan/Canada relations are not richer or more tightly managed than they are. Or, given that they are friendly and profitable, does it matter (as one author asks)? There is an inclination here to give less credit to Canadian leadership than it deserves. Occasionally there are references to the Eurocentrism of prime ministers from Quebec, or to the Liberal Party's enthusiasm for China, as perhaps detracting from a more important relationship with Japan. This ignores, however, the implications of efforts under Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trudeau, from the early 1970s, to engage the Japanese more seriously. It was under Brian Mulroney, a Progressive Conservative prime minister from Quebec, that Canada constructed in Tokyo an embassy complex second only to that in Washington, DC, and vastly cheaper because of the creative partneship with Japanese. Mulroney persuaded his Japanese counterpart to agree to the Canada Japan Forum 2000 (the subject of an article in this volume) and placed Alberta Premier Peter Lougheed at the head of a distinguished Canadian Panel. Going back in time, it was Liberal government that established diplomatic representations in Japan (1929) at the same time as it did in France. It is also a fact that prime ministers must spend more time on Canada's relationship with the United States than with any other single nation or issue, and have limited time to pursue other priorities very consistently, whether Europe, Japan, or China. And, let's face it, Eurocentrism and a fascination with China have been fairly widely shared by Canadians through out Canada.