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An excellent read for anyone wanting to know about key, unknown events.
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- Omitiendo hechos y exagerando otros. Inflando los números de los prisioneros en los campos de concnetración.
- Sangrándole a Alemania y Suiza cantidades millonarias que van a parar NO TANTO a los judíos que padecieron la guerra sino a la cartera de los dirigentes de estas organizaciones. ¿cómo? Un ejemplo es la madre del autor que le dieron una migaja tras haber sobrevivido a varios campos durante años
- Escritores sionistas que escribieron libros sobre los campos de exterminio sin haber estado ahí . Dichas organizaciones lo justifican pues "su dolor es auténtico".
- Un ejemplo más es el buque San Luis que huye de Europa con muchos judíos a bordo. En EUA (el auto-proclamado país de la libertad) les niegan el asilo. ¿porqué no han demandado cantidades millonarias a Washington?
- En la guerra murieron también 20 millones de soviéticos, de hecho el triple que por cada judío. Esto sin mencionar a los gitanos. Curiosamente, el Museo del Holocausto se basa mayoritariamente en judíos.....
- ¿los negros seguirán siendo ciudadanos de segunda o de tercera? También muchos de ellos fueron esclavizados y no tienen tantos museos.....
En fin, es un buen libro que descubre los chantajes del gobierno de Israel y las organizaciones afines a Tel-Aviv.
Esta vez no pueden acusar de "antisemita" al autor pues es judío también.
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This book is a must-read in that it convincingly defies, with powerfully sculpted arguments and towering research, the tired and frequently hypocritical views of the New York Times and other news authorities.
Finkelstein will convince you.
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It is hard to tell how much Finkelstein intends for his words to be metaphor and hyperbole, and how much he intends for his words to be literal statements of fact. Does this book's title mean that its author believes that there is a "Holocaust industry" the way there is an advertising industry which produces advertisements or an automobile industry which produces automobiles? I suspect that Finkelstein may believe that there is literally a "Holocaust industry," but I cannot tell in this book where the metaphor and hyperbole ends and the alleged literal truth begins.
The author severely underestimates the extent to which the average Jewish-American understood the Holocaust forty years ago. One need only look at popular films like Exodus and The Pawnbroker, bestselling novels like Last of the Just and Mila 18, and even popular expressions such as "she is so skinny that she looks like a concentration camp survivor."
In order to explain why this alleged minimization of the Holocaust occurred in the 60s, Finkelstein then overestimates the extent to which the economic and political situation of the Jewish community has changed over the past forty years. He provides a leftist, class-based analysis of why Jews allegedly focus on the Holocaust more now than in the fifties.
Most American Jews by the 1960s were native-born children of native-born parents who lived in the suburbs and were predominantly Democratic. That remains the situation today. It may not have been the case with respect to the author's own family, but he was not typical.
Again, it is not clear what parts of the author's analysis are metaphor and what parts are intended to be literally true. Perhaps Finkelstein's allegation of a change in the class status of American Jews over the past forty years is also a metaphor. Who can tell?
Finkelstein targets what he calls the "holocaust industry." This industry is made up of writers, lawyers and others who benefit from appropriating Hitler's campaign of genocide against the Jews for their own monetary gain. Writers such as Jerzy Kosinski, Finkelstein reveals, are frauds that try and make a buck off legitimate suffering. The lawyers are even worse. These legal attack dogs sue companies that are supposedly responsible for aiding or abetting the Third Reich. These same lawyers have gone after Swiss banks that supposedly have hidden funds deposited by Jews who subsequently died in the concentration camps. The damages sought by these lawyers are astronomical and have no direct relation to actual events. If the companies or banks don't give in, media systems are used to intimidate and threaten, with hysterical cries of anti-Semitism thrown about with seeming indifference. Even worse, the lawyers end up pocketing most of the awards.
No one, Finkelstein included, denies a holocaust against Jews. It is important to remember that many others died in the camps, such as Gypsies, Slavs and others. The death of Jews in no way elevates their suffering over any other people. Finkelstein's concern seems to be that these blackmail schemes will ultimately cheapen the holocaust and open the way for the deniers. Anyway you cut it, the tactics used by the holocaust industry are shameful and should be condemned as such.
But the strength of his work lies in his willingness to tackle issues which have never previously been discussed. In particular, I admire his critique of Elie Wiesel, who in my opinion gets away with too many controversial and offensive comments. Finkelstein doesn't let him off easy. But that's besides the point. In methodical fashion, Finkelstein shows how the holocaust has been abused to make money ("Holocash"), to defend Israel's atrocious human rights record, and to promote the interests of the American Jewish community.
I have read several highly critical reviews in major US papers.
Excuse this rambling review. Buy the book, it's defintely worth a read, whether you agree with the thesis or not.
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Let me give you one example, out of the innumerable cases, and I challenge any of the fans of Finkelstein and Birn to come up with any justification whatsoever for this.
In one of her delirious critical outbursts, on page 204 of 'A Nation on Trial', Birn writes, referring to Goldhagen: "He also overlooks the fact that millions of Soviet POWs were starved to death before it dawned on the German authorities that they had a problem with a labor shortage."
On page 290 of 'Hitler's willing Executioners', Goldhagen writes: "Despite the ardent and until then decisive ideological opposition to the employment of Russian 'sub-humans' within Germany - a purely ideological stance that had led the Germans to kill, mainly by starvation, 2.8 million young, healthy Soviet POWs in less than eight months - the policy was reversed during this period. In 1942, owing to ever more pressing economic need, the Germans stopped the decimation of Soviet POWs through starvation and began to use them as laborers, leading by 1944 to the presence of over 2.7 million Soviet citizens (many were not POWs) working in the German economy."
Did Birn even read the book she was supposed to be 'reviewing'? Or, just like her fans, she doesn't bother to read the books she talks about? And this is only one out of dozens of cases where the authors (I must suppose willingly, unless they really cannot read) ignore, distort, falsify and manipulate Goldhagen's work to fit their preconceived destructive agenda.
Throughout the pages of this book, all principles of scholarly critique are torn to pieces, humiliated, and annihilated. This book cannot be taken seriously.
The book comprises two separate parts, each written by one of the authors. About Finkelstein's part of the book, the less said the better. He fails to address any of the central issues raised by the Goldhagen book, and instead makes a series of tangential points. He intersperses personal attacks on Goldhagen with a scattershot technique of refutation: many of the arguments he raises either support Goldhagen or are totally irrelevant. The words juvenile, badly-written and scatterbrained pretty much sum up his part of the book!
Ruth Bettina Birn's part of the book makes for much better reading. Using a more restrained tone of voice, she faults Goldhagen primarily on this major point: that his data does not support his conclusions. Citing his selective interpretation of German legal transcripts and his heavy reliance on secondary sources, she demonstrates Goldhagen's retrofitting of data to support his conclusions. In the case of Police Battalion 101, this is especially telling. Goldhagen bases a large part of his conclusions on selective interpretations of another book (Christopher Browning's "Ordinary men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland"), while in the same breath, discrediting the author of the book whenever his conclusions differ from Goldhagen's.
In the end, I would judge the debate a draw. Goldhagen's book, while thought- provoking, seems fraught with misinterpretations. (Personally, I find his monocausal "eliminationist antisemitism" theory a little wild-eyed). On the other hand, if you're looking for an incisive criticism of "Hitler's Willing Executioners", and a more believable explanation of *motive* in the Holocaust, then this book doesn't quite fit the bill, either!
The book is a response to Goldhagen's Harvard dissertation--which certainly challenges Harvard's academic credibility in my book--which asserts that the "ordinary Germans," a phrase frequently used by Goldhagen, though not defined by him, knew of and actively endorsed the mass slaughter of particularly Jews throughout the Third Reich. It consists of two separate essays, the first by Finkelstein and the second by Birn, the former the son of concentration camp survivors and the latter a professional in investigating crimes against humanity.
Both authors challenge Goldhagen's use of evidence. Finkelstein offers more "commentary," some essentially calling Goldhagen silly and inept. Finkelstein himself offers reams of contradictory evidence to the meager claims suggested as proof of Goldhagen's thesis. Many even of the Nazi officers were perfect bureaucrats more than they were ideologues. Anyone who has worked in a partisan political environment knows the tendency of many a staffer to do that. It's how promotions are allocated more than on the basis of competence or capability! So, because such and such an officer did what the Fuehrer said, didn't make him an inherent anti-Semitic, mass murderer.
And both authors criticize Goldhagen's contention that the "Holocaust" was unique in human history, and particularly suited to German brutality. Both offer several examples of similar activities undertaken throughout history.
As for the average German, there is more evidence of their helping out victims of the Reich than of their active complicity in the slaughter. Of course, these are petty items Goldhagen didn't use because they would have contradicted his angle.
Finkelstein has had a bone to pick with Goldhagen, and to some other hyper-Zionists for some time. His "The Holocaust Industry" showed something he reiterates more briefly in this text that "The Holocaust," while of less major political note before then became a veritable industry after the 1967 war. At that point to challenge anything about the Israeli state or about Judaism in general--even by Jews!--was proclaimed to have an anti-Semitic motive. Finkelstein, offering countless examples of that by "writers" such as Elie Wiesel, accuses Goldhagen of capitalizing off that sentiment and blatantly political motive.
Birn's is a very sober analysis of Goldhagen's selective use of evidence--pieces chosen simply because they fit his thesis. She even credited an earlier critique of Goldhagen of her work in which Goldhagen disputed her statements; apparently the quotation marks weren't in the right places. Her fine summary comments on the "trivialization" of the holocaust, which seems to be happening now that the number of actual survivors of that catastrophe dwindles.
I have a weakness for Finkelstein's matter-of-fact style. But if I were to be in a privileged enough position to have my work criticized by either Finkelstein or Birn, I would prefer Birn's criticism. My ego would be less bruised.
This book is important for those who have read Goldhagen's book and wonder about Goldhagen's--or Harvard's--integrity. It is important for those interested in the critical thinking process, and how someone of ostensible credibility, an Ivy League doctoral student, can make some awfully weak arguments in defense of his claims. And it is very important for those who want to keep contemporary politico-Zionism in context. Read it. But don't expect any soft pedaling by Finkelstein.
By the way, I would not have granted Goldhagen his Ph.D. for the sloppy, ideological work in his book. As Birn points out, his thesis is fit for those who want a simple answer to a more complex situation. I add that it resembles hate literature, that "those Germans" were like that. It is, therefore, a mirror image of what Goldhagen claims to despise: propaganda. I would not enroll in a course he teaches, or spend a minute reading anything he'd written.
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The aim of this brilliant book is to ask questions about the view of Israel's history that Zionists would like the rest of us to believe. Many aspects of this history are hotly disputed so it's a perfectly legitimate area of study. Reading the book will probably challenge your preconceptions of the Arab-Israeli conflict and will make some people feel distinctly uncomfortable. But like nasty tasting medicine that ultimately does you good, it's essential reading for anyone who really wants to understand what's going on in that tragic part of the world. And the fact that all Finkelstein's opponents can do to counter his arguments is come out with the same old knee-jerk reactions says it all. Buy it!