In October of 1998 I was privileged to attend a conference at Villanova University entitled "Lebanon in the Twenty-first Century." Since I have conducted a course on American foreign policy in the public sector over the last 16 years, I welcomed this rare opportunity to focus on this troubled country.
Recently, the elements of that conference were assembled into a single volume, edited by Kail C. Ellis, who is dean of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at Villanova University, and founder and former director of the Center for Arab and Islamic Studies at Villanova.
This volume is comprised of articles written by several noted and dedicated authors including Ellis. One might call it a prismatic kind of study. Such an approach could lend an uneven quality to the book; however, its editor, Kail C. Ellis, has clearly brought consistency in tone and texture to the overall reach of the book.
Each section consists of an introduction as to what will be covered, an exploration of that specific material from appropriate perspectives, and conclusion/analysis. Since contributors have expertise in several different fields, the abundance of sources available in the footnotes could be targeted as the beginnings of tomorrow's research. This formula makes this volume appealing to the general public, students and teachers.
Ellis's essential mission is twofold: First, to prime the reader on the confluence of Lebanon's intricate web of history, politics and religion as it became increasingly entwined with the geopolitical reality of its sensitive location, "sandwiched," as Ellis puts it, between its powerful neighbors, Israel and Syria. One increasingly comes to understand that Lebanon is but a microcosm of the most multi-dimensional problem haunting the world currently: the Israeli-Palestinian deadlock. Lebanon's life as a nation, in the Ellis perspective, is virtually "on hold" until this nagging, seemingly insolvable problem is addressed with some degree of authority.
Secondly, in his preface, Ellis states that, "Works on contemporary Lebanon are hardly an anomaly." Understanding Lebanon's past and present is but a prelude to predicting its seemingly ominous future. Ellis wants more. It is here this book gathers its strength, its case, because its layered approach forces the reader to read, learn and analyze each sector of Lebanese society through the prism of several disciplines.
This representative litany of problems is offered with the realization that without further reading, such a list tends toward oversimplification.
One cannot even begin with the now decade-old recovery from its civil war (1975-1990). A more likely place are the problems inherent in the Palestinian refugee situation, for Lebanon is "home" to 400,000 Palestinians who began seeking refuge in Lebanon after the Israeli-Palestinian war (1948). Many still live in poverty in makeshift camps. Their presence directly affects Lebanon's unstable, tense political situation, its economy and fragile image. Here the indefinable Hizballah organization began operations.
And as if these "external" factors were not enough, there is the matter of Lebanon's aforementioned geostrategic position with its "neighbors" - Israel and Syria. Even considering that Israel has withdrawn from the southern border of Lebanon after a 22 year occupation, festering webs of distrust involving Hizballah continue to inflame the nerves of each country; Syria's 35,000 man army within Lebanese borders is another open wound.
Internally, here is a country where there are 18 different religious communities, primary among them Christian Maronites and Muslims. Despite tolerant "side-by-side" living under a traditional confessional political system which divided power among the religions, an updated version (under the Ta'if Agreement of 1989) altered this tenuous balance, becoming the catalyst for the exodus of thousands of Maronites. The Maronites' historical affinity towards Israel, furthermore, has continued to provoke any state of quiesence, given the ongoing presence of Palestinians. Overt lack of American involvement in this destructive relationship creates additional cracks in the fault line.
Factor these complexities together with the following: a $25 billion dollar debt burden; an education system struggling to recover its former status as the "cultural and educational center of the Middle East;" an environment and eco system suffering the scourges of overpopulated cities, and "a total breakdown of state authority." Beirut, once known for its superior banking and commerce, longs for a return to its former glamorous status as the "Switzerland of the Middle East."
Lacking, except for a one religious leader in particular willing to agitate for the sake of a breakthrough for his country's sake, is dynamic leadership. Lebanon's "traditional" government does not add up to stablility; rather it is laden with laws and ideas long outdistanced by time and purpose.
Why does our conscience press us to care? Asserting the need for America to exhibit some measure of their former interest, Ellis offers his prescription: "In order to fulfill the dreams of a future revival, Lebanon needs the assistance of all those who support the rule of law, human rights, and a just peace in the Middle East."
For those so inclined, even in international relations, prayer remains a wonderful natural resource.