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But the anti-colonial revolutions of 1957-58 destroyed this policy. The US Government moved to support 'moderate' Arab regimes against Arab nationalism. In April 1957, President Eisenhower sent the US 6th Fleet to help King Hussein of Jordan, and $30 million aid, after Hussein had dismissed the elected Government and declared martial law. Eisenhower then got Turkey, Iraq and Jordan to mobilise their armed forces against Syria, after nationalist forces gained power there.
In July 1958, the Iraqi people overthrew their pro-British Government. The US Government sent 14,000 troops to Lebanon to threaten Iraq, also to prevent revolution in Lebanon. The British Government sent 2,200 paratroops to Jordan to help Hussein: Israel allowed them to fly their troops in through Israeli airspace. This convinced the US Government that it should support Israel.
In August 1962, President Kennedy decided to sell Hawk anti-aircraft missiles to Israel, hoping it would then let the US inspect Israel's nuclear weapons facilities at Dimona and would allow 100,000-150,000 Palestinians to return home. Israel rejected both proposals, yet still got the Hawks.
This set a pattern for the next 35 years: Israel received huge military and economic support, but made no policy concessions. The US Government developed Israel as its military proxy in the Middle East, however unpopular this made Israel, and the USA. The costs to the region have been enormous: regular wars, the continual repression of the Palestinians, lack of political and economic progress. But this policy finally failed in the Gulf War, when the USA had to keep Israel out of the coalition against Iraq, for fear of wrecking it.
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The book is extremely well documented and the political cartoons come from many sources including Dry Bones (a popular cartoon in many syndicated papers in Israel), Sawt-El-Arab (an Egyptian daily newspaper), El-Shaab (another Egyptian daily newspaper), Al-Nadwa (A Saudi Arabian newspaper), Achbar Al-Chaleege (a Bahrainian newspaper), and from many other publications around the world. Many of the pages include the original Arabic, Hebrew, or other-language documents that Ban Gad uses for references. If you read Arabic then this book is an extremely good source for political commentary in the Arabic language (a huge variety of pages from newspapers around the Arab world are featured in the original Arabic). Because of the unadulterated nature of political cartoons and unambiguous statements from Arabic media sources, the book in many places reads like a history of anti-Semitism.
Books like this helped to lead to Internet groups like MEMRI.org that translate Arabic newspapers and other media into English for anyone interested (mostly for politicians, professors, etc.).
I found the cartoons to be very powerful indicators of political opinion in the Middle East since standards of decency are very different in the Arab world and Israel. For instance many of the cartoons from Arab newspapers show horrific depictions of bloody hands, dismembered bodies, racist caricatures (hook-nosed Jews, swastikas, Nazi references, etc.), and every kind of desecration of the Star of David or the Menorah (symbols of Judaism and Israel) that might be possible. The Israeli political cartoons featured in this book have great sarcasm and irony, but feature none of the horrific images that are commonplace in the majority of newspapers in the Arab world.
One of my criticisms of the book is that while it features many wonderful and authentic source documents, it is all in black and white format, which in many places makes the source materials very difficult to read. Some of the photographs are very difficult to make out in black and white format. However, I found this shortcoming manageable and not overwhelming.
Here's what Yitschak Ben Gad wrote about the book (page xviii):
<<<< This book is based on a great collection of material from different sources in a number of languages, and especially from the material of the Israeli Foreign office and PLO publications (see detailed list in the bibliography at the end of the book). The approach of the book is unique. It is composed of thousands of short questions, answers, comments, and quotations from various sources dealing with subjects concerning the Middle East. This is not meant to be a history book.
The goal is to enable the average reader, who may show some interest in our troubled area, to get an idea about most of the subjects without having to strive or read at great length. The questions and subjects are based upon my selective and subjective discretion. I have no intention of dealing with all aspects of the conflict. The idea is to deal with either forgotten issues or with subjects that demonstrate the absurdity of the conflict and the great injustice inflicted upon the Jewish people. The quotations are meant to strengthen the points dealt with in each chapter...
Last but not least, I hope this book will help to put history in its proper perspective. I believe that only when the facts are known will the chances for peace in our troubled area, based upon justice, be enhanced. Our prophet, Zachariah, said: "You should love truth and peace." This comes to show that truth precedes peace. >>>>
This book is very similar to others of its kind including "Battleground: Fact & Fantasy in Palestine"
by Samuel Katz, "The Complete Idiot's Guide to Middle East Conflict (2nd Edition)" by Mitchell G. Bard, "Empires of the Sand: The Struggle for Mastery in the Middle East, 1789-1923" by Efraim Karsh, "Myths and Facts: A Guide to the Arab-Israeli Conflict" by Mitchell Geoffrey Bard, and others. It works well on its' own or as a complementary volume to any or all of the above book titles.
I highly recommend this book as an excellent way to quickly learn about the Middle East and many of its myths.
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but the part that i thourougly enjoyed in this book was the village life and characters from the egyptian village and the real life struggles that they were going through.. made me want to hop on the next plane to egypt and see these ppl for myself..