What a super book. If you are interested in postcard history, or a lover of the adirondacks, this book has both.
The book includes 8 chapters, with 6 of the chapters giving biographies of postcard photographers of the 19th and 20 century,Mandeville, Beach, Kollecker, Ameden,Wooley, and Cassen
It was hard to put this book down.

Author has produced an interesting book of those early twentieth century photographers, whose works can still be found on early postcards. Much more than a coillection of post card images, the author has produced a book with much historical significance.

Robert Gamble's The Alabama Catalogue combines a relatively thorough tutorial on the history of architecture in Alabama with a complete, although too brief, review of the properties surveyed under the auspices of the Historic American Buildings Survey (HABS) in the 1930's. The tutorial on the history of Alabama architecture is worthwhile; much of it can be applied to architectural history in other parts of the country as well. The status report on the HABS buildings from the 1930's is also interesting. The author has organized the listings by county (which seems much more convenient that listing by town), and usually provides an indication of the current state of the structure in addition to a concise description. The book is well illustrated, both with detailed architectural drawings as well as black and white photos from the HABS collection. The only change I would have liked to have seen would be an inclusion of even a small photo of each property listed, although I realize this may have made the book overly large.

In one volume, Robert Dallek has attempted to counter the vast amount of printed material covering Franklin D. Roosevelt's domestic policies during the 1930's and 1940's. The result is a mammoth effort that sheds light on the enormous pressures Roosevelt faced both at home and abroad during the turbulent decades when the world struggled to emerge from the shambles of a Great Depression, and prepare itself for a global conflict. Dallek argues that most historians do not fully understand the nature of Roosevelt's foreign policy. Dallek also claims that researchers tend to focus on FDR's shortcomings without emphasizing the constraints with which he was forced to work. Dallek's main purpose is to highlight the continual dilemmas Roosevelt faced in an effort to always strive for balance and compromise between public opinion and foreign affairs. FDR realized the need to break the country away from isolationism and place it in the global arena, both economically and politically, while at the same time facing the growing threat from the Axis powers. Though Dallek is noted as a gifted narrator, it is Roosevelt's leadership style,criticized as somewhat unorthodox,and the many quandaries in which he prevailed that provides the strength of Dallek's book. Dallek chose a ridged chronological format, which he maintained throughout the book. The chronological methodology in essential to enable the reader to understand the patterns that emerged within Roosevelt's style of leadership. For instance, rather than try to sway public opinion as to why the United States should supply aid to its allies or begin preparing for war, Roosevelt instead would allow the events then taking shape in Europe and Asia to speak for themselves to convince the American public. FDR's early foreign policy (1932-1935) was primarily centered on economic recovery. Roosevelt clearly understood that the Great Depression was a global problem. Roosevelt strove to reduce tariffs, improve trade and stabilize the dollar with foreign currencies. He has been widely criticized for going off the gold standard and blamed for the failure of the London Economic Conference. Dallek states, however, that Roosevelt clearly achieved two very important underlying objectives: First, domestic economic recovery must take priority over foreign affairs This belief was evident in the many Hundred Days policies that FDR implemented. Second, Dallek argues that Roosevelt's main goal was at best to "restore a measure of faith in international cooperation." Roosevelt was always aware of his limitations. Dallek believes that the years 1935-1939 was the most important period in Roosevelt's foreign policy. During this time, Roosevelt faced many obstacles. Dubbed an "Idealist" for his efforts towards disarmament and United States participation in the World Court, FDR was also criticized as being naïve in his reactions to the aggressive actions of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Dallek diligently describes how FDR's hands were tied by the very nature of the Neutrality Acts, pressure from Isolationists, student peace activists, and religious groups, particularly Catholics at home. The events of World War II exposed yet more criticisms upon Roosevelt's handling of foreign affairs. In a new Afterword (1995), Dallek explains some of the legitimate critiques as well as some of the ludicrous claims concerning FDR's handling of the war. Dallek disregards the revisionist view that Roosevelt knew of, or allowed the Japanese to attack Pearl Harbor as an excuse to draw the United States into the war. Some revisionists even propose the existence of a British conspiracy to lure the United States into the war. Dallek points out there are even those that claim British pilots flying planes with Japanese markings took part in the attack on Pearl Harbor. Dallek praises Roosevelt as a visionary, accurately predicting a world view he never lived to see. Dallek disagrees with the "naïveté" Roosevelt exhibited at Yalta, claiming FDR did not sell out Eastern Europe to Stalin. Dallek dismisses this as a myth, claiming Roosevelt clearly understood the price for 20 million Russian killed during World War II would be Eastern Europe. Dallek also defends Roosevelt's decision to back the doomed Chiang Kai-shek regime in China. Dallek believes FDR knew that someday China would be a dominant world power and although he felt that democracy in both China and the Soviet Union were unlikely, he hoped for eventual global cooperation between the superpowers. Dallek harshest criticism of Roosevelt's tenure is the interment of Japanese-Americans. This book offers the reader valuable insight into the complex problems facing Roosevelt's decision-making processes on the eve of World War II. For this reason, Dallek's work holds a valued place in political and historical literature.

"A Bully Father" is a delightful insight into a remarkable American family. The first portion of the book is a biographical narrative of Theodore Roosevelt, with a strong emphasis on his family life. The remainder is a collection of letters from TR to his children. Although the letters are identified by topic, they are otherwise left to speak for themselves.

These letters were generally written to his children while they were away at school. The letters are treasures from the Age of Letters. Things which today would be communicated in person, by telephone or e-mail were, in TR's day, communicated and preserved in correspondence. The letters cover a wide variety of topics. Events of daily life of the Roosevelt family and evaluations, favorable and unfavorable, of the child constitute the majority of the letters. Nothing was too small for TR's attention. Horse and carriage rides, playing with children or wrestling with Japanese wrestlers, his tennis partners and White House visitors are all recorded for our enjoyment. TR also used these letters to give vocational advice as well as to comment on public events of the day. TR also expounds on his views on literature and history, as well as his views on family values. The classical literature which he and "Mother" read to the children are mind boggling!

This is a book which is enjoyable to read and also makes you think. TR's relationship with his children and his interactions with them provide a standard against which we can measure our own lives. Read this book and treasure it!

Teddy shines through as a true inspiration to all fathers. I read this book, and then "played bear" with my children.

The greatest legacy a father can leave the world is his children. Theodore Roosevelt is more popularly remembered in history as the great Trust Buster and the hero of San Juan Hill, but his greatest contribution was something that until this book, has been overlooked, the impact of a loving and nurturing father on his children.

Reading this book, one gets the unmistakable impression that Teddy Roosevelt was infinitely more concerned about the lives of his children than he ever was about the affairs of the Presidency. Readers are left with the impression that at a moments notice, he would give up everything for the welfare of even one of his kids. What a legacy to leave for history.

In an age where families are under siege and children are becoming more like trophies that are displayed, Teddy Roosevelt's letters to his children shine as a beacon pointing us to what being a parent is all about, raising, loving, and nurturing our children.

What ever happened to writing letters? The art of letter writing has all but passed away. In T.R.'s time reading letters was a family event, something that was eagerly anticipated by the entire family. Today's family is forced to deal with the constant barrage of faxes, e-mails and cellular phones. Family conversation has been reduced to digital bytes rather than meaningful conversation. George Washington may have been the father of our nation, but Teddy Roosevelt had a far more lasting impact, he was a father to his children.

This is an excellent Biography of a President that Americans ought to know more about than they do. Beyond that Robert Sobel presents a portrait of a Statesman of High moral character and unimpeachable integrity that is seldom encountered in life, Much less at the summit of political life Professor Sobel is an economic Historian, Consequently He devotes a considerable part of the Book to a discussion of Coolidge's controversial economic policies which rank among the most sucessful in modern times. Consider that Coolidge was President for five years and in every one of those years the U.S. government had a balanced budget with a surplus which was returned to the taxpayers in the form of a tax cut,And that government spending progressively declined over this same period. And all this was done during an unprecedented economic boom.Now liberal Historians like Arthur Schlesinger Jr.whom Sobel gloriously debunks,would argue that ''Coolidge prosperity'' was a ''false prosperity'' which ultimately led to the stock market crash of 1929 and the great depression. Sobel makes a strong case that the prosperity of the twenties was a genuine economic revival based on sound free market principles.Professor Sobel strongly refutes the conventional wisdom that Coolidge was blissfully ignorant of the danger to the economy posed by an unregulated stock market.In fact He clearly saw the danger.But in His Jeffersonian view of the Constitution He believed that federal legislation was unconstitutional.In Coolidge's the regulation of business was the province of the states. This book is not as detailed as it might be. But on the whole it is an excellent biography of an honorable Statesman and a fine moral example. You may expect that this book will be attacked by the liberal establishment as revisionist History...And long overdue!

There aren't too many biographies about the life of Calvin Coolidge. This is an absorbing book that is sure to shatter many myths about Coolidge. I highly recommend it for your reading list.

President Coolidge was not a man accustomed to tooting his horn. He is well known for his economical use of words. Without a doubt moderate or conservative in personal behavior, President Coolidge should not be confused with modern political conservatives. While his personal behavior was clearly conservative, his political beliefs were more identifiable with those associated with modern libertarianism. President Coolidge was one who believed that government should exercise restraint and not limit liberty. Despite this belief that government should exercise restraint, President Coolidge's Administration suffered very little from scandal.

Modern historians often portray Coolidge as a minor figure and trivialize his time as President. Often portrayed as a lackey for big business and for not doing anything to prevent the Great Depression, this biography puts holes in the myth that he was in the pocket of big business and responsible for the Depression. President Coolidge was neither lazy, unintelligent, nor an accidental President. Coolidge understood the concept of restraint and approached life as President from that perspective. Not concerned with the outward trappings of power, Coolidge stayed true to his Vermont roots.

You will find that Coolidge was neither indolent nor unintelligent after reading this book. President Coolidge is just the kind of President we need today.

As an ardent admirer of FDR and the New Deal, I'd never read any more on Coolidge than his "Keep Faith in Massachusetts". This book didn't change any of my major beliefs about Coolidge, but certainly filled in countless details about his life and work. I admire Mr. Sobel's efforts to make a readable book despite the lack of Coolidge's papers.

As is ably demonstrated, Mr. Coolidge was popular as much for what he was as for what he did. His integrity and moral rectitude served him so well in those pre-TV times. A man such as this would stand no chance in today's prettified, telegenic politics.

Mr. Sobel is able to illustrate the injustice done to the memory of President Coolidge as being cold and remote. Mr. Coolidge was a child of his time, region, and upbringing. His deep love for his family is refreshing.

This eminently readable book will give great enjoyment to those interested in Presidential history.

The Democratic party William Jennings Bryan took control of in 1896 is a far cry from that same party today. The person most responsible for this change is Bryan. As the book points out Bryan was no intellectual giant; but how many of America's leaders have been? To quote Mr. Cherny, to Bryan "Expertise counted for less than a good heart and a principled outlook." The "Great Commoner" saw things in black and white, good vs. evil and when he had decided what was right he took up cause after cause with a zeal not often found among politicans.

It is often said that the proof is in the pudding, and the proof of Bryan's sweeping influence can be found during the New Deal as one after another his ideas were passed into law. He could of course be wrong as one of his pet projects prohibition and his unfortunate trip to Dayton show. On the other hand one has to wonder how much less the depression would have hurt the common people if more of Bryan's ideas had been made into law before 1929. Like him or not William Jennings Bryan has had more influence on American public policy than at least half of the men who won presidential elections.

As for this particular book. It is very well written and keeps the reader's interest. It is on the short side but provides a very good overview of Bryan's life and carear. The only reason I took away one star was because it is not well documented. No footnotes are to be found and in places they are badly needed. Otherwise this is a very good work dealing with one of America's greats.

William Jennings Bryan (1860-1925) has the dubious distinction of being one of only two men in American history to run for President three times and lose each time. Yet Bryan almost certainly qualifies as one of the most influential "losers" in American history, for despite his defeats he retained a large and loyal following that allowed him to remake the Democratic Party in the early twentieth century. The son of a country judge in Salem, Illinois, Bryan was raised in a solidly middle-class family by devoutly religious parents. Bryan attended law school in Chicago and then moved to Lincoln, Nebraska and opened his own law office. From the beginning his good looks, marvelous voice, and gifts as an orator made him into a celebrity in Nebraska. Bryan used these skills to side with the "underdogs" of the Midwestern prairies - the farmers who were being driven into bankruptcy and foreclosure by a worsening economy and a lack of support from the federal government in Washington. In 1890 he was elected to Congress - a rare victory for the Democrats in a Republican state. He soon earned a reputation as a superb speaker with a magnetic voice - and as a controversial foe of the big businesses which controlled both political parties. In the 1890's a nationwide economic depression gave Bryan the chance to seize control of the Democratic Party from its' conservative leaders. At the 1896 Democratic National Convention he gave what is still regarded as one of the greatest political speeches in American history - a ringing defense of farmers and an assault on the "robber barons" of New York's Wall Street. The "Cross of Gold" speech electrified the delegates and earned Bryan, at the age of 36, the presidential nomination. Over the next four months Bryan traveled by train to all parts of the nation, spoke to huge crowds, and basically ran the first modern "liberal" presidential campaign. He pushed for unemployment insurance, social security, government credit for farmers and small businessmen, an end to child labor in factories and coal mines, women's suffrage, and better working conditions for factory workers. Although we take many of these things for granted today, the Republicans and Big Business regarded them as dangerous and a threat to the national economy. They raised record sums of money to defeat Bryan, threatened factory workers with layoffs if they voted for Bryan, and in the end defeated the "Great Commoner" (so-called because of his affinity for the "common people" of America) by a narrow margin. Yet Bryan's heroic campaign allowed him to make the Democrats into the "liberal" party that they are today. In 1900 and 1908 he was again nominated for President by the Democrats - in 1900 he spoke out against American "imperialism" overseas and even uttered warnings that America could not be the world's policeman - a warning that we still argue about today. In 1912 Bryan played THE key role in securing the Democratic nomination for Woodrow Wilson - thus making Wilson President. Bryan served as Wilson's Secretary of State from 1913-1915, during that time he worked tirelessly to keep the USA out of World War One. When Wilson threatened to go to war with Germany in 1915 following the sinking of the British passenger ship Lusitania - a sinking which cost 128 American lives, Bryan resigned as Secretary rather than support a move towards war - a war which Bryan honestly felt would "waste" thousands of American lives. Over the last decade of his life Bryan became a leading spokesman for religious fundamentalism, and a strong opponent of the theory of evolution. In 1925 he made his last dramatic stand as the prosecutor in one of the most famous trials of the twentieth century. John T. Scopes, a biology teacher in the high school of Dayton, Tennessee, was arrested and put on trial for teaching the theory of evolution in violation of a state law forbidding it. The defense hired Clarence Darrow, the nation's most famous trial lawyer (the Johnnie Cochran of his day) and a militant critic of traditional Christian beliefs, to defend Scopes. When Bryan agreed to "battle for the Lord" and lead the prosection, the trial became a national sensation. The trial's climax came when Darrow put Bryan on the witness stand as an "expert" on the Bible and proceeded to ridicule his beliefs, such as that Jonah was swallowed by a great fish, or that Adam and Eve were really the first two humans on the Earth. Although Scopes was found guilty (he never paid the $100 fine), Bryan was so humiliated by Darrow's questioning and so exhausted by the trial that he suddenly died a few days later. Many big-city reporters and editors continued to ridicule Bryan even after his death - they regarded him as an ignorant rural hick with no redeeming qualities. Yet large numbers of people still turned out for his funeral - ordinary, "common" folk who realized how hard Bryan had fought on their behalf, and how much he had sacrificed in their cause. As this book points out, nearly all of the things Bryan fought for have since been enacted into laws, and most of the Democratic Party's great leaders of the past century - from Wilson to FDR to Huey Long to Harry Truman to Adlai Stevenson and Lyndon Johnson - owe Bryan a debt of gratitude for transforming the Democrats into a liberal party. As Truman noted "If it wasn't for Old Bill Bryan, there wouldn't be any liberalism at all in the country now". This biography, while short, is nonetheless an excellent introduction into one of the most influential - and controversial - politicians in American history.

I was looking foward to reading and enjoying the early work of Robert Adams. The essay and photographs work very well together but the cover images are the only ones that are reproduced with any quality. If you compare the tonal range of the inside reproductions with the cover work you will be disappointed. I kept the book because I did enjoy the essay and I collect books by Robert Adams. Too bad the reproductions are so weak.