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Snyder juxtaposes the rise of Christianity with the ever-growing corruption of the Roman Empire. The forty years included in this saga encompasses historical events after the crucifixion of Jesus up to the destruction of the Jewish temple at Jerusalem. He includes the powerful leaders of the time: Caesar Augustus, Herod the Great, Herod Agrippa, Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, Seneca, Peter, Paul, Mark, and John.
His descriptions make the reader feel like he is on a tour of the area, with one important distinction. He has uncovered virtually every nuance of the times, and the reader's view is almost one of an eavesdropping historian, as when he describes the treachery and death of Messalina, Claudius' young and promiscuous wife who made the critical mistake of openly marrying Gaius Silius at the castle of Claudius during his absence and carrying on what can only be called an orgy:
"Only then did Messalina truly understand her position. Without further word, the mother calmly opened a drawer and offered her daughter a dagger. Messalina looked at it as though it were a serpent. She put it to her throat, but could not strike. Then she moved it to her breast, but her hand was as if frozen. The soldiers watched her for a few silent seconds. In the next instant an officer ran her through. Claudius was still at his dinner table when news came that Messalina had died. He did not even ask whether it was by her own hand or by whose. After an eerie pause, Claudius called for more wine and the conversation went on."
All God's Children is not for the faint of heart. It is an enormous and complicated volume that provides an educational look at a period of time that is of interest to virtually all Christians.
Shelly Glodowski, Reviewer

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The dialogue begins as a discussion about the true nature of oratory. The famed orator Gorgias is in town, and Socrates is most anxious to have a discussion with him. At first, Gorgias' younger friend Polus desires to speak for Gorgias, but he proves little match for Socrates. When Gorgias enters the discussion, Socrates treats him very well, as a respectable man with whom he disagrees, and Gorgias for his part is never flustered by Socrates' description of his art as a knack and as a form of pandering. Later, Callicles bravely jumps into the mix, and things really get interesting. Socrates seemingly admires Callicles' courage to state what he means without shame, yet he winds up getting Callicles to agree with his points in the end. What is it all about? The main points that Socrates makes are that it is better to suffer wrong than to do wrong, and that it is better for a man to be punished for his wrongs than to escape punishment. Implicit in his argument is the belief that all wrongdoing is the result of ignorance; following up on this idea, he declares that dictators and politicians who hold vast powers are the most miserable men of all. He goes so far as to describe Athenian heroes such as Pericles as bad men because the state was less healthy when they left office than when they took office, the proof being that such men eventually lost power and were even ostracized.
For Socrates, happiness comes from being virtuous and self-disciplined. The orator can make a great speech and convince his peers that he is right, but he does this by inculcating belief rather than knowledge in the minds of his audience; he requires no knowledge to win such a debate, and as a result he tells the people what he knows they want to hear rather than what is truly best for them. Right and wrong are immaterial to the orator, Socrates charges. Callicles urges Socrates to give up his immature fixation on philosophy and become a public speaker; were he to be brought to court and charged with a wrong, Callicles tells him that he would be unable to defend himself. Much of the concluding pages consist of a wonderful defense by Socrates of his way of life. He agrees that a court could rather easily try and execute him, but if that were to happen, only his accusers would suffer for it. His thoughts are for the next world, and he has no fear of death because he believes a man with a clean, healthy soul such as his will be given immediate access to the isles of the blessed. The execution of Socrates was clearly on Plato's mind as he wrote this particular discourse.
I would recommend this dialogue to individuals seeking an introduction to Plato's philosophy. The entire discussion is clear throughout and easily comprehensible, and it proves interesting to see how some of Plato's thoughts changed between the years separating this dialogue and The Republic.

On the one hand, Socrates denies that an individual's supposed superiority determines right and wrong. In modern terms we'd call this the Nietzchean will to power argument. He cleverly kills the might-makes-right argument, by extreme individualists, by showing how ultimately the mob is more powerful than any individual. Thus this reasoning falls through. Yet, at the same time, Socrates denies that truth is determined by mere numbers or by popular vote. After all, Socrates wasn't condemned to death by a dictator or an aristocracy but by a democracy. Food for thought!
This is a nice translation in modern idiom and can be easily read in just a few sittings.





However, the book is also easy to read. Its use of taking all events in a chronological style of reporting assists the reader in maintaining a mental awareness of the sequence of events. By combining the three histories, the book offers new and enlightening information for anyone except, perhaps, for those scholars who have immersed themselves in this period of history.

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Thomas [and Averroes] reintroduced Aristotle to Western thought and Thomist scholasticism has illuminated the path from the 13th century to the 20th, he was perhaps the greatest intellect of the Middle Ages. Anderson's edition may be the best means of introducing oneself to St. Thomas Aquinas.

Do not expect a comprehensive exposition of Aquinas's metaphysical thought, for this was clearly not the intent of the late James F. Anderson. In fact, the book does not introduce us to certain basic metaphysical notions such as substance, accident, prime matter and substantial form. For this reason, some knowledge of classical metaphysics is highly desirable, while not absolutely necessary, to benefit more fully from this outstanding compilation.
The selection is of tremendous educational value, especially if we consider that some of the incorporated texts are difficult to find in translation. Excellent for teachers and students alike.
In brief (in just 116 pages), this book reveals some of Aquinas's greatest contributions to classical, perennial "first philosophy." The result is a well-organized, fluent introduction to Aquinas's own thoughts in Aquinas's own words.

This book also represents a great introduction to metaphysics in general, at least for a person who is trying to teach himself philosophy, such as myself.
I have found other compilations of Thomas' writings to be difficult to understand because they assume an understanding of the transcendentals: being, one, true, good and beautiful and their relationships to each other; and other philosophical terms such as act, potency, form and matter, substance and essence, etc.
In around 100 pages the author is able to convey the central concepts of Thomas' metaphysics very clearly, thus opening the way for further study in Thomas' writings.
I am very grateful to have discovered this book. I am sure you will be too.

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Aside from the sheer thrill of witnessing at least part of the transition and revision, the book itself is a wonder--to one end--to be viewed along with "The Great Gatsby." Things I've been bothered by in "Gatsby" are different in this book, and it's interesting to read that they had indeed been altered - most notably, the mid-section in "Gatsby" when Nick tells the reader in a near omnicient narration Gatsby's true story; this happens entirely differently in "Trimalchio" and in my opinion does not break the narrative flow the way it does in the final "Great Gatsby."
Some unanswered questions, some debated items become clearer after reading this. Is Gatsby a good guy or a bad guy? Is Nick? Who is Jordan Baker really? Is Nick the agent of the action or an observant/removed narrator? "Trimalchio" presents the answers to some of these questions differently than does "The Great Gatsby," or in a more straightforward and clear fashion. In a sense, this could be a truer-to-Fitzgerald's-soul account, as many of the changes were suggested to him from the outside. Many of the characters underwent changes from this version to "The Great Gatsby," though some changes more major than others.
I'm trying, in this review, not to write what would be a book's worth of my opinion about which is a superior book. Gatsby is such a part of me I could write forever. I will mention that typos and other necessary changes were made from this to the final, as well. And although some things I've questioned and have bothered me simply because I do love the book so much are different in this early version, I don't know how I'd feel if this were the *only* version of the book, as what we have here is an early version of a book I'd always thought brilliant.
The language is beautiful; the characters amazing, sad, complex. I'm infinitely impressed by this book, whichever level of "completion."
I've got one complaint about this edition of "Trimalchio": at the back of the book, there is a list of changes made - galley version, holograph, 1st edition, etc. They are laid out in such a way that they are hard to follow and hard to study. I nearly know "The Great Gatsby" by heart. While reading "Trimalchio" I noticed tiny, tiny differences. But, after I finished, I wanted to truly study the changes at each stage of Fitzgerald's writing, and the lay-out and lack of explanation made it oppressively uninviting. It's too bad, too, because I am ceaselessly (as FSF might say) interested in this - this book, the revision process, its history, everything Gatsby.

In one sense - especially in the little-changed early chapters - this version of the story is interesting mostly in that it demonstrates the improvement brought about by the relatively few changes that were still to come. For example, Jordan Baker's climactic recollection of seeing Daisy and Gatsby together during the war is quite a bit less scandalous here than in the final version, so that the plot still advances but much of the tension of the scene is lacking. Some of the party scenes are also less detailed than they would become. None of this is to say these parts of the book aren't still enjoyable, especially if you haven't read Gatsby recently; it's just that the changes Fitzgerald made really did improve the story in small but noticeable ways.
Although the end of the story is largely the same, the last two chapters do hold several surprises for those who are already familiar with the final version. Gatsby is portrayed at least slightly more sympathetically, Nick is less of a shadow, and the past events leading up to the currently unfolding plot are both different and somewhat less vague. This takes away some of the mystique of several of the characters, but it's not necessarily better or worse; in any case, it's fascinating to see Fitzgerald's original approach and how it changed. One thing he arguably didn't change enough is Nick's bleak outlook in the closing pages; life doesn't end at 30 just because of a lousy summer! I've always considered that the weakest point of the novel, but this version at least offers a slightly different context and narration of the ending.
Imperfections and all, it's still brilliant. Recommended for all Gatsby fans.


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The issues discussed in this Essay were at the base of the formation of political theory in the Western world, during the centuries of enlightenment. Locke's effort in the case of this Letter (of the 4 he wrote, this is the first one, published in 1689 in English, from a text published some months previously in Holland) was the rescue of religious tolerance vis a vis political powers and structures, and the recognition of the need for a sphere of private religious freedom, legally guaranteed and exempt from the interference of political power.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: When Locke wrote this Letter, there was still controversy regarding the definition of the concepts of liberty of conscience and religious freedom. In fact, the first step of the ladder is represented by the idea of religious tolerance. The starting point of analysis, at the time, came from the observation of the fact that certain degree of intolerance has always existed (religious, political, racial) in the human nature. If one analyzes the origin of religious intolerance in the western world, it stems necessarily from the fact that every Church or denomination, claims with more or less clarity to be the sole bearer of the truth. In this context, what could be the meaning of "tolerance" as a concession or pretense ? To recognize to the dissidents and minorities the possibility to coexist peacefully in a certain society, without having to renounce the external manifestations of their beliefs. But the need for religious tolerance can only make sense in a society where a dominant religious majority has the power to impose onto others its dogmas, either directly (a theocratic government) or through secular political power (the papist states).
On the other hand, the concept of religious freedom implies the recognition for the individual of the natural right to freely profess and express his beliefs, without the intervention or interference of political power or Government. Accordingly, whilst tolerance had been considered historically as a "concession" granted by the dominant religious movement or Church to other religious minorities, religious freedom appears in the Western civilization only once the political power is separated from the religious community. And here the Reform had its influence.
LOCKE'S TOLERANCE: Against this background, the problem of tolerance appears to Locke as a political problem, based on his conception of the State as a society born out of the consent of free men. In his State, it is logical to deny the political power, the possibility to interfere in private matters. Locke defends religious tolerance recurring to several arguments.
Politically, war and factionalisms are not the product of religious differences, but of human intolerance. In other words, it is not a requisite for the State, in order to function, to have a unified religion. From the religious standpoint, the Church is a free and voluntary assembly. No man can be forced by the magistrate to enter or remain in a specific Church or religious denomination. Only if we freely follow the mandates of our conscience, we follow the road to salvation. Thus, all political efforts to force us to adopt the "true faith" are vain and anti-religious.
Persecution, in itself, is not Christian and Locke concludes that in all matters related to the faith, violence is not an adequate or acceptable mean to gain followers.
Religious freedom, therefore, is a natural right of the individual and truth cannot be monopolized by any single religious denomination or person.
RESTRICTIONS: Does Locke really advocate absolute freedom for all men of every sect or religion when he writes: "Absolute liberty, just and true liberty, equal and impartial liberty, is the thing that we stand in need for"?
Not really. Tolerance has to be just, but practicable, in accordance to public interest. Therefore tolerance cannot condone ideas that are contrary to society or to moral rules required for the preservation of society. Doesn't Rome require submission from a catholic prince to a foreign power? For Locke, there is no real distinction between Catholics and atheists, from the political standpoint.
CONCLUSION: For Locke the only limits to religious freedom are the need to avoid damage to other individuals and the preservation of the existence of the State. On the other hand, such a freedom is only viable as a consequence of the secularization of politic and the separation between Church and State. I TRULY RECOMMEND THIS SEMINAL WORK. Time has not taken away certain lessons that are to be learned, if we want to live in a better world, a more tolerant one. GOOD ANTIDOTE AGAINST FUNDAMENTALISM.

In the letter, Locke argues that all religious practices should be tolerated unless they are a threat to the proper functioning of the state. Some specific practices are not tolerated - Locke perceives the Catholic allegiance to the Pope, at that time, not only a religious leader, but also an influential foreign political leader, as a threat to the state, and he believes that atheists cannot be trusted by the state, since they have no higher power to whom they can swear an oath. Locke does not tolerate these individuals, because of his (inaccurate) perceptions of them, but religion is still not the basis for their non-toleration. (In the sense that others who are inherently untrustworthy, or bowed to a foreign ruler, would also not be tolerated, regardless of their religion).
The toleration of some other practices is situational. For instance, a state that normally has no law against individuals slaughtering animals (for food, et al) cannot prevent a religious sect from sacrificing an animal, but if that same state, needing meat for its troops in a time of war, bans all private citizens from killing animals, then this ban applies likewise to the sacrifice of animals as part of religious worship. This is not a state of license, in that the civil government does not actively promote a variety of (or for that matter, any) religious practices, but it is a state of negative liberty, in which the state remains neutral to the religious content of religious worship. Specific sects or acts of worship can be banned if they are "prejudicial to other men's rights" or they "break the public peace of societies," but they cannot be banned on religious grounds.
Some critics have argued that Locke's Letter is no longer very relevant: he deals only with religious toleration, and religious toleration is widely accepted and practiced in the modern Western world. However, the historical context of the Letter suggests it retains its relevance. In Locke's day, religion was not the dormant issue it is today; rather it was the most controversial issue of public debate. Before Locke, toleration was just something the underdog wished for in order to survive until he gained power over everyone else. Locke, however, goes beyond this pettiness and creates a theoretical defense of toleration as an extension of his political theory. While Locke probably did not imagine the controversial issues of political debate today, the broad basis for his defense of religious toleration implicitly justifies other sorts of social toleration in the modern world.
If a state is created for the purposes and by the methods Locke suggests in his Second Treatise, then the men who consent to form such a state retain a significant negative liberty of belief and action. Any of these beliefs or actions must be tolerated by the state unless they fail Locke's criteria for religious toleration, namely, unless they are "prejudicial to other men's rights" or they "break the public peace of societies."
If possible, I would recommend trying to find a copy of the Routledge edition of this work (ed. Horton & Mendus), which includes critical reactions to Locke's Letter. However, Amazon currently lists it as out of print. Whatever edition you can find is worth reading: the need for toleration is as great in our own time as it was in John Locke's, and his contribution to the debate is likewise as valuable now as it was then.




But don't assume you'll have an easy read. Saviolo is not writing in his native language, and it shows. He doesn't describe motions very well, and occasionally appears to leave out a foot move in a long sequence. Di Grassi never wrote in English. This manual is a sixteenth century English translation of his Italian manual. People who deride the "negative campaigning" of today will get quite a surprise when they read Silver's virulent contempt for the rapier and the foreigners who teach it.
There is also the language issue. Yes, it's written in English, but sixteenth century English doesn't always mean what you think it does. Saviolo tells you to come on guard with your right wrist against your knee, your right foot against your opponent's right foot, and your point against his face. Obviously, something has been lost in four centuries. In this case, it's the fact that "against" meant "opposite or across from", not "touching". You are now armed against one problem, but it's still not the language you think it is. (Hint: an Oxford English Dictionary is a very useful companion volume.)
Also, don't assume you can do this in modern fencing. The blades were longer and heavier, and they don't work like modern fencing weapons. Furthermore, these are very basic lessons. We know that the advanced moves were jealously guarded, and not written in books.
With all the difficulties, this book remains essential - it's a direct link to the fighting methods of the Elizabethan fencers. Di Grassi is the easiest to follow. Saviolo is particularly helpful for research, because he spends some time explaining why he does things differently form others, thereby documenting both styles and explaining the thinking process of fencing masters. Silver prefers the short sword to the rapier, and shows us that the Renaissance held many different views.
This books stands alone -- there is just no commercially available substitute.
Your stage combat will look better, your re-enactments will be more real, your understanding of the sword will be sharper.

The time in which these manuals were published was crucial: there was a gradual transition from the medieval sword techniques to the renaissance rapier ones. At the time (and long afterwards) the french schools of fencing were not existent and the main flow was latin: two of the manuals were written by italians and the swords used in latin countries were rapidly evolving from medieval sword towards the rapier. Those were times of frequent wars and of deadly clashes involving different cultures and ways of fighting. Very different from the later "civilized" duels between long-haired make-uped "gentlemen" which originated the french schools of fencing from which our childish fencing appeared.
This work is the real thing! It shows the experience of three sword masters, in a time where expertise was gained by fighting often and staying alive doing it, and mastery was achieved by recognition from a world where everyone was a swordsman ready to challenge such a person just to get fame.
Forget for a moment modern sword-"play" and read this book about real swordsmanship!





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But what makes the book such a compelling read is the high drama that unfolds in the cradle of civilization some 2,000 years ago and the great care that is taken to sort out this confusing period in history and tell the story in chronological order.
As a Jew, I was eager to learn more about how and why the early Christians broke from their Hebrew traditions to preach a gospel that transformed this once mysterious Jewish sect into the modern world's most popular religion. Ironically, my understanding of -- and appreciation for -- the rise of Christianity is enriched by an observation by Jewish historian Flavius Josephus about Judaism's own survival: that an unwaivering commitment to God is enough to overcome the forces of evil and persecution. No one from the period's cast of colorful characters fulfills this mission better than the apostle Paul, who is relentless in his campaign to spread the gospel and absolutely fearless in the face of hostility.
With all the recent battles raging between Arabs and Jews in Israel, I'm sadly reminded after having just read "All God's Children" over the holidays that the more things change the more they stay the same. The Holy Land is still one of the most volatile spots on earth and history appears doomed to repeat itself.