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I am not sure if Dangor was trying to play on the theme of how Aparteid has affected all the male figures. I think the book would have been much better had there been more discussion about Omar's/Oscar's life, his relationships, and what drew him to 'change'. Although most people do know what Aparteid in South Africa was, it may just seem like a 'distant' thing, considering most of us have never lived under such a ridiculous and absurd government. I thought the book was going to give more insight into the Indian perspective on Aparteid.
The book was also a bit confusing with so many different characters with similar names (Anne and Anna, Salma, Salleem and Sulman) and the ever changing scenes that the author gives no led-ins to. Even with the family trees at the beginning of the book, I was still just as bewildered. And what is with Dangor's obsession with sex. The book seems to exude sexuality left and right unnecessarily.
The bottom line is that I wanted to like this book, but my interest digressed as I perused through it; It came to the point where I didn't even want to read it anymore. I only finishd it so I could have a thorough and fair opinion about it.
Nearly all of its characters, both white and "colored," live miserable, violent lives--symptomatic of the brutal apartheid realm. Yet Dangor convincingly adopts an astonishing range of voices: the conservative Muslim ashamed of his brother's "passing," his perceptive wife who unexpectedly leaves him, his rebellious and cynical teenage daughter, the married psychotherapist with whom he has an affair (and who may or may not be a psychopathic killer). And the novel's violent conclusion actually offers hope: that South Africa may be able to purge itself of its complicated history, just as some of the novel's women are able to leave behind the pasts that torment them.
Readers who enjoy straightforward plots, explicit symbolism, and unambiguous endings will surely be perplexed by this novel; even the family trees and the glossary won't help much in untangling the book's many possible meanings. The story is often as blurry as the racial lines created during apartheid. Yet I cannot get this novel and its lyricism out of my mind; the more I think about it, the more it seems to make sense of the nonsensical, schizophrenic society in which these people somehow managed to live.
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These massive accumulations of wealth in the hands of a few lead to control of democratic institutions as a means of preserving and increasing wealth. Or in the words of mark Twain "I think I can say, and say with pride that we have legislatures that bring higher prices than any in the world." Also the influence of non elected officials such as the Federal Reserve and Federal Judges increases during periods of disproportionate wealth accumulation. In addition schemes to increase markets and drive down labor costs i.e. globalization result. After the bust more socialistic policies prevail. Examples from American history include the aftermath of the Civil War with the rise of the Republicans through the gilded age and the roaring twenties until the start of the great depression. Subsequent Democratic control with FDR saying "I should like to have it said of my first Administration that in it, the forces of selfishness and lust for power met their match. I should like to have it said of my second Administration that in it these forces met their master" achieved the first great realignment of wealth since the Civil War. The Republicans later gained control in the late 1960s and have held control through the speculative mania associated with the technology boom. Bill Clinton is described as glorying in stock market gains as much or more than any Republican predecessor.
Wealth and Democracy makes the case that the current grossly disproportionate share of wealth in the hands of the few built up under predominately Republican policies calls for a return of Democratic policies of wealth realignment for the common good. And this is from Kevin Phillips who was the chief political analyst for the 1968 Republican presidential campaign, and in 1969 published The Emerging Republican Majority.
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