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What really sets this book apart is the authors' astounding ability to elicit surreal humor from the most evil of situations - for example a first-hand account of Saddam's murdurous son Uday (who is also Chair of the Iraqi Olympic Committee, which has its own prison) discussing with his very fat and very drunk Armenian tailor (known as 'the philosopher') the relative merits of Liberace and Engelbert Humperdinck.
I read this book this weekend at a single sitting, and I am proud to add it to my extensive library of Middle East policy studies. I cannot recommend it highly enough.
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But on the other hand, the authors do remind us of some important facts. The US/British sanctions against Iraq have killed an estimated 500,000 children under five, and another 500,000 people. Aren't peacekeepers supposed to save hostages, not massacre them? The Pope called the sanctions 'biological warfare against a civilian population' - but that can't be right, because our rulers say that only Iraq uses biological weapons! They note that the USA shipped large stocks of its chemical weapons to the Gulf in 1990 - so it would not be too surprising if Iraq, fearing a repeat, protected its soldiers against chemical attack.
Far from Iraq being in league with the Al-Qa'ida terrorists, the mujehadin in Afghanistan sent fighters to assist the USA in its 1990-91 war against Iraq. Afterwards, the CIA gave captured Iraqi arms and ammunition to the mujehadin - so far the only proven arming of terrorists! War against Iraq would not weaken the terrorists; it is far more likely to recruit for them.
The authors point out that an International Atomic Energy Authority official said, "We have closed down all their nuclear facilities and activities." Dick Cheney, now Vice-President, agreed, saying in 1991, "Saddam Hussein is out of the nuclear business" - unlike the USA and Britain, which still threaten to use them.
The critical issue over Iraq is not Saddam Hussein, not even greed for oil or White House dreams of world domination, but whether the genuine superpower in the world - the working class - says, "No war".
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The Cockburns harshly criticize the US's ongoing blockade of Iraq, despite their own account of Hussein's determination to develop biological, chemical, and nuclear weapons. The Cockburns end their book with the prediction that somehow the Iraqi people will rise up against Hussein. Yet the authors spent most of the book criticizing the US for taking exactly that same stance - naively hoping for an uprising. This glaring inconsistency is an incredible flaw in an otherwise fascinating book.