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What amazes me, with all the hype about this book, is how even-handed it is. Bush is portrayed as not unlikeable, kind of lazy, rich boy who can't help it if he's "lucky." The cocaine bit is not all that well documented and the author barely delves into other areas in GW's background that are murky - not serving his full time in Texas ANG, insider knowledge of Gulf War, etc. All in all it is the portrait of a man with natural political instincts and wealthy backers. So, what else is new? It is no more critical of Bush than David Maranass' First in His Class is about Clinton. ...
Using straightforward accounts from the public record and those who know him, Hatfield illustrates such issues as Bush's obliviousness to racial segregation in his hometown, his indifference to his studies at Andover and Yale, his alcoholism, his spotty record in the Air National Guard, his questionable business dealings, and his performance as governor. Bush's actions and words speak for themselves throughout the book, and Hatfield shows little inclination to analyze them to death or to put an actively anti-Bush spin on them. In fact, he occasionally sounds pro-Bush, noting, for example, that he got off to a respectable start in the oil business after graduating from Harvard Business School. Some of the less flattering accounts, such as that of his "service" in the Air National Guard, have a necessarily vague and incomplete feel to them, mainly because there simply isn't a lot of reliable information available about that period of Bush's life. Hatfield is, however, able to provide a number of accounts of cocaine use and womanizing that stand in sharp contrast to the family-values image Bush's handlers have managed to convey to the public. If Hatfield's research failed to answer many questions about the extended adolescence Bush himself has always refused to discuss, he did succeed brilliantly in raising many questions that deserve to be addressed but haven't been thus far.
The book's most famous accusation - that Bush was arrested for cocaine posession in 1972 and his father got the charges dropped - is more solidly supported than I'd been led to believe. Although Hatfield did fail to produce a source who was willing to confirm the story on the record, he names a number of sources who probably know the answer but - like Bush himself - refuse to confirm or deny it. Additionally, he provides three anonymous sources, not a lone Deep Throat as has been widely reported. The afterword does have a cloak-and-dagger feel to it all the same, and there are typographical and grammatical errors sprinkled throughout the narrative which have helped to make the book easy for Bush supporters to vilify.
But for all that, most of what Hatfield reports is well-annotated (in contrast to the original printing) and presented in a non-sensationalistic style. If Hatfield was not the ideal messenger, he at least provided us with an important collection of information that other journalists chose to gloss over or didn't have access to. As Mark Crispin Miller points out in his introduction, the Bush campaign's reaction to the book was just as telling in one sense as the book itself is. If it's inaccurate, why suppress it?
Celebrate your right to know. Whatever your politics, read the book and decide for yourself whether or not it's worth believing.
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Beware: after reading this book you will have good reason for thoroughly disliking this man, but not because he makes a bunch of funny verbal mistakes. If you're afraid of being thoroughly skeptical and possibly oppositional to the policies of our "commander in chief", then don't buy this book.
There are many many things in the book that I already knew, but the author defintely does lay out a very damaging portrayal of our current President's personal politics and ideology.
Please, get the newest paperback version, released AFTER 9-11. Do NOT get the old hardcover version printed before the September events. You'll miss out on a lot of extra materials if you don't.
This book is very parochial and does not go very deep into foreign policy, class analysis, or deeper and longer standing issues of US society (issues that are often laughingly painted as "class warfare" in the commercial media whenever they are hinted at, and thereby sidestepped in favor of fluff), but it does paint a very convincing picture of a president who is fully devoted to the most reactionary and privileged elements of the ruling class in the United States.
This is NOT about some supposedly "stupid" president who is "incompetent" or "dumb". These kind of appeals to Goerge Jr's supposed "stupidity" only show how stupid and gullible Democrats and "Liberals" really are, and how they really fall all over themselves to play into the hands of the Bush administration who want nothing more than to portray George W. Bush as a "regular joe" who cares about the "working man" and is trying his best to protect "America" from any number of mysterious and devious enemies waiting to pounce on us.
"Make no mistake", GWB is none of these things, but instead is as much a blue-blood, silver-spoon ivy-leaguer as is Al Gore and actually quite more so. And, is as thoroughly calculated and schooled in propaganda, public relations and polls as was Bill Clinton or his father George Bush the First, or the Reagan administration before them.
It's about a president who is very much aware of what he is doing to America and who seeks to, and IS using the deaths of 3000 people to advance a reactionary and regressive agenda, all wrapped in the flag.
I actually suggest that readers that already realize this NOT read this book, don't bother, but rather read some more in-depth analysis of foreign policy of the kind of class warfare and nationalism that is now and always has used "patriotism" (since the dawn of recorded history and beyond) as a tool to convince the general population into accepting policies that thoroughly harm them and to draw them into subservience under protection of the fearless leader.
If what I've said above seems odd or outlandish to you, then just read this very good book on the personality of our president (the best currently available), get from it what you can, and then move on to more broad analysis later.
Josh
Miller traces the short history of television in presidential politics with the recent evolution of the Republican party to show how corporate control of the media has helped the rich dominate our society to a degree not possible before.
Miller writes in a refreshingly vivid, lucid and candid style. His sharp prose is a welcome and needed antidote to the incoherent soundbites and superficial analyses masquerading as serious journalism in today's vapid media culture (especially on TV).
As the spoiled brat son of wealth and privilege, it is perhaps fitting that George W. Bush was put into the highest office of the land by the sort of anti-democractic shenanagans that once upon a time were deployed only in banana republics (or did we just get another taste of this last week in Venezuela?). Miller suggests that Bush benefited both overtly and covertly from a coalition of right-wing factions who, frustrated with the absence of the communist boogie-man, have channeled their considerable energies towards the destruction of their hated "liberal" compatriots (even if -- or especially because -- the left's point of view is vaguely understood by GOP true believers).
Miller's book is a wake up call to the citizens of the U.S. If you are a Leftist, you might find it exhilarating to read words that for much too long were left unwritten. If you are a Conservative, you are challenged to read this book to learn more about the real George W. Bush and the agenda you are supporting. In either case, I think most people who read this book will agree with Miller's assertion that our democracy is currently situated in a very precarious place. The author stresses that the vast majority of us should be very concerned with the issue of balancing the rights of average citizens with the exponentially-expanding power of the privileged few.
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