The author provides a "narrative of the numerous plots and rebellions that persistently rocked American slave society for over two centuries" (p.367). In so doing he hopes to dispel the generally accepted notion that the response of the American Negro to his bondage "was one of passivity and docility" (p.374). Behind this notion of docility lies the belief that African-American slaves were well treated by their masters, generally contented with their lot, and inferior to whites. Jefferson Davis asserted this notion of docility on January 10, 1861 in the United States Senate in "Declaring that he found the speculations as to whether 'our servants' would rebel or not 'exceedingly offensive' he went on to assert: 'Governments have tampered with slaves; bad men have gone among the ignorant and credulous people, and incited them to murder and arson; but of themselves - moving by themselves - I say history does not chronicle a case of Negro insurrection. (p.105)."

Herbert Aptheker's meticulous documentation of hundreds of cases of slave resistance, which often resulted in the death or grisly punishment of the slaves, easily refutes statements denying African-American discontent and rebelliousness. His collection of materials is quite remarkable, for slave state newspapers censored most accounts of insurrections. "The particulars, we are constrained to observe, must be withheld for the present, from motives of precaution (p.158)" typically wrote one Virginia newspaper. To achieve his narrative, Aptheker drew upon "government archives, personal letters (sometimes published in distant newspapers), journals, diaries, and court records (p.159)." The Aptheker book should be a standard reference work for anyone exploring this topic.

In arranging his materials, the author first discusses slave insurrection according to major themes, and then he describes the insurrections in chronological order. This reader sometimes felt overwhelmed with example after example of insurrection, especially when they were treated chronologically.

The thematic chapters on: "The Fear of Rebellion", "The Machinery of Control", and "Exaggeration, Distortion, Censorship" were particularly rich in materials that highlighted the American slave society's predicament. Many slave owners had valiantly fought in the Revolutionary war and championed republican principles. Yet, slave ownership was driving them away from these same principles by requiring them to place increasing limitations on free assembly, free speech, a free press and jury trials. Slave society began to live in a general siege atmosphere, especially after the Haitian revolution. Aptheker quotes one Virginian on the possibility of a slave insurrection; "I wish I could maintain, with truth ... that it was a small danger, but it is a great danger, it is a danger which has increased, is increasing, and must be diminished, or it must come to its regular catastrophe (p. 49)". In such a growing atmosphere of fear, the white inhabitants of the slave society felt themselves increasingly threatened and moved to curtail civil liberties. Abolitionist ideas could be "infectious" and possessing an abolitionist document was a crime. Free Negroes could not travel to other states without losing their right to return home, and they could not possess weapons. Vigilance committees began to replace the police and court systems. Slavery was no longer a topic that could be openly discussed by citizens. It would appear that removing the topic from discussion had the unfortunate consequence of undermining the republican institutions necessary for managing social change.

Aptheker's narrative is replete with fascinating historical tidbits. He carefully documents how religious instruction was aimed "to inculcate meekness and docility" in slaves (pp. 56-59) and quotes from a white preacher's sermon to slaves on why whippings, called "corrections", should be suffered patiently. The preacher goes to great lengths to demonstrate how any whipping is merited and concludes: "But suppose that even this was not the case - a case hardly to be imagined - and that you have by no means, known or unknown, deserved the correction you suffered; there is great comfort in it, that if you bear it patiently, and leave your case in the hands of God, He will reward you for it in heaven, and the punishment you suffered unjustly here shall turn to your exceeding glory hereafter. (p.57)". Another item describes John C. Calhoun's concerns about the loyalty of federal troops if they are called upon to suppress a slave revolt. The Secretaries of the Navy and Army were required to report on the numbers of Negroes, free or slave, in the U.S. military. Here it was reported that a regulation "forbade over one-twentieth of a ship's crew to be Negro (p.68)."

Woven throughout Aptheker's narrative are numerous references to maroons, or fugitive slaves who live in relatively inaccessible, generally swampy, areas and periodically prey on local residents. "Reports, no doubt greatly exaggerated, were current that two or three thousand Negroes were hiding in the Great Dismal Swamp ... (pp.307-308)." I suspect that assessing the relative prevalence of maroon activity is problematical and to his credit Aptheker carefully avoids such speculation. Aptheker simply cites maroon activity as further evidence of general slave discontent. I found less convincing Aptheker's attempt to identify periods of greater or lesser slave insurrectional activity, but this analysis is not crucial to the book's narrative. For example, while Aptheker uses this analysis to establish a causal link between increasing insurrectional activity and periods of economic stress, common sense might do just as well.

This reader admits to having approached this book with some reservations and a bias. Herbert Aptheker was an active member of the US Communist Party for a number of years. Quite a few years ago I completed a serious graduate school course in Marxist-Leninist thought, which required me to read all of the important original documents of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao. I find it difficult to imagine that an intelligent person can read these materials and still become a Marxist-Leninist. I would like to think Dr. Aptheker was too busy doing his path breaking historical research to read all of the Communist classics. His American Negro Slave Revolts contains none of the turgid prose and convoluted theorizing that I associate with Marxist historians. We're spared discourses on the labor theory of value, class struggle, increasing concentration of capital, etc. As for its accuracy, I confess that I didn't check his footnotes. Curiously, I don't see this work widely cited. I wonder how many American historians are afraid to cite a Communist work, even when it's good research.

I've been working about slavery for years, and that made me read lots of books that can be called an "ecologic murder". This book is the best that you can find about slave revolts in the United States. It fulfills two purposes, the first one, tell the truth about a subject that've been full of lies for more than 200 years. Second, make people think why this subject' been full of lies for more than 200 years. An accurate bibliogrpahy helps to understand all things that matter about slavery in the states.

Thankfully this book has been reprinted, along with a new 2001 introduction by Herbert Aptheker (who puts in a gentle "slam" of David Levering Lewis's two Pulitzer Prize winning biographies for good measure). The picture of Du Bois on the new cover is another one of those "I am God and You are not worthy" type of pictures. I've gone and made it one of my screen savers.

Du Bois's prescient and practical advice is, as usual, pretty much on target. It is also interesting to observe the evolution in his thinking in the fifty-four years covered in this slim (you can read this book in a couple of sittings) volume. He answers some eternally debated questions: To whom should college presidents and administrations be ultimately accountable? (Alumni) What is the point of a liberal education? (character) etc.

This book goes far beyond the "Booker T vs. W.E.B." educational debates that dominated 100 years ago (and that most people remember). It provides specific pedagogical advice and is written in the typical Du Boisian style; lucid, straightforward, inspirational. The man lived longer than most, and did a whole lot while he was alive. In its own way this little book is just as important, if not more so, than the other little book for which he is justifably famous, "The Souls of Black Folk."

This book is the only collection of Du Bois's major thoughts and insights on the role of higher education for African Americans. Oddly enough no publisher would print these essays during Du Bois's lifetime. However, Herbert Aptheker was able to have them published after Du Bois's death. This book is the most comprehensive thinking of Du Bois on higher education. The essays primarily cover the role of Black colleges as well as the importance of financial and intellectual independence of Black education institutions. He makes it exceedingly clear that education for full social equality and Black uplift must be the hallmark of Black educators and education institutions. His essay on "The Field and Function of the Negro College" makes an excellent institutional blueprint to accompany his TWO essays on the talented tenth (1903 AND 1948)which outlined his views on individual responsibilities of educated Blacks. As African American higher ed institutions and op! portunities are on unstable ground (in light of anti-affirmative action policies and the financial distress of HBCU's) the current generation of Black educators, policy makers, and scholars would do well to harken to the sage advice offered by the greatest African American scholar-activist that ever lived. There is much to be found in these essays that has relevance to the challenges we face in the coming century. As an African American doctoral candidate in higher education I find comfort in knowing that I have Dr. Du Bois's words, insights, and legacy at my fingertips. As this book is out of print, I would suggest that others who do not own this volume petition the publisher to renew it. It's a treasure to be cherished.

This book should be read by everyone who is interested in civil rights. Dubois was the pioneer of the civil rights movement and anything he had to say deserves to be read. This book is just as important as the Autobiographies of both Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. After reading this book I realized what bravery was all about. Dubois didn't have the luxury of a "movement" behind him, he stood alone. He spoke his mind to whomever he felt was hindering the progress of blacks in America. Not only did he stand alone and speak his mind but he did it in a time when a black man would be lynched simply for looking at a white person the wrong way. This book is written with the same poetic style as most of his other work and continues the story of his battle against oppression where "Souls of Black Folk", and "Darkwater" leave off. You will definately benefit by taking the time to read the almost century long journey of one of the greatest thinkers and writers the world has ever seen.

This book was nothing like I expected. It is a collection of prayers DuBois had been writing his entire life. The astonishing fact about the collection is that he kept these works a secret until his final days in the United States. This is a mind motivating book and highly underrated. It can move the "souls of black folks." This thoughts have nothing to do with the fact he and I both graduated from Fisk University.

Herbert Aptheker presents a new idea on the nature of the American revolution. In this book, he presents that the American Revolution was not a revolution in the traditional sense, but rather the first successful colonial rebellion in the world. It was not a revolution because there was no sense of nation until after the revolution started. There were no significant social or cultural changes that came about from the actions of the Americans. Aptheker shows considerable amount of proof to support his thesis and does a good job at proving his point. He defines a revolution and a rebellion and gives an example or each. He gives the causes that made the colonies rebel against England. And he gives some of the significant effects of the war for the colonies. The causes of the conflict derive from social contradiction. The reason why there was a failure to compromise was due to the fact that the contradiction could not be compromised. The only way that the Colonies and England could settle their problems was through war. The antagonism, Britain, had to be removed. Things were happening in Britain that was changing the attitudes that she held for her American colonies. The Industrial Revolution needed a market and raw materials that were bot to be found in Britain. Britain turned to the colonies as a source of materials and a captive market for her finished goods. The trade laws all favored Britain because it was in her interests to keep the balance of trade on her side. Of the trade acts enacted against the colonies, the worst were the Sugar and Stamp Acts. The Sugar Act put a duty on molasses, refined sugar, wine, silk, and indigo. It also banned the importation of foreign liquors. All duties had to be paid in silver, depleting the stores that the colonies had. The Stamp Act was probably the most hated, if the most unenforceable, law passed on the colonies. It required a tax on all deeds, bonds, leases, licenses, newspapers, pamphlets, almanacs, calendars, cards and dice. The colonists felt that this was dangerous to their political freedom and their freedom of press. Both of these acts were fuels to the fire of resentment towards parliament. Different from a revolution in another way was the fact that the people of the colonies elected congresses to handle their disputes with the government. These congresses wrote complaints to parliament on behalf of the colonists and made laws and decrees to resist the various trade laws that they saw harmful to the colonies. These congresses held the real power in the colonies long before the revolution started on July 26, 1775. The colonies did not start fighting for independence at first, but they wanted to have an equal standing with Britain and to have the same rights of other Englishmen. As the fighting progresses, a feeling of national pride emerged and the cause was not for equality, but for independence. This feeling came about because there were certain functions that a war requires that had to be handled by government organizations. There were Departments created for Commerce, Foreign Affairs (called Correspondence at the time), War, and other necessary Departments. These were in place before American victory, not after like a normal revolution. The feeling of nation also came about because the experience of common suffering was felt throughout the colonies as the war dragged on. The changes that came about because of the Revolution happened in the political and the economic circles. No longer were the colonies to be ruled by a king and a distant parliament, but by a local government and an elected official. America was to be the first democracy in the history of the world. The economy was improved because the needs of war developed needs for manufacturing and production and expansion increased rapidly. After the war, markets were opened that had not existed before and profits were to be made without the burdens of tariffs and duties placed on American products. Capitol began to be reinvested in American interests and banks were founded to handle the money needs of the people. The book was well written and Aptheker proved his thesis with ample evidence. He supported his ideas with reliable sources and accurate analysis. I would recommend this book for someone who wants more than just the idea that the Boston Tea Party led to the fight for independence or that our founding fathers sought freedom from the beginning of the resistance. This book provides an alternative look the idea that the colonies revolted, but rather just rebelled against tyranny.