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Michael Burgan begins this book by establishing the idea that the story of John Quincy Adams is that of "A Lifetime of Service." Where Adams is most unique is that there he continued to serve his country after his four difficult years in the White House, serving in the U.S. House of Representatives and becoming known as "Old Man Eloquent" for his attacks on slavery (touched on in Steven Spielberg's film "Amistad"). Burgan deals with the problems of being the son of a President but also goes into detail on the extraordinary diplomat career both abroad and at home. The end result is the inevitable conclusion that even if he had not been elected President the life and political career of John Quincy Adams should be remembered.
In addition to the concise but detailed biography, this volume is profusely illustrated with historic etchings, paintings, and maps. Even when the illustrations are black & white they often end up with colored frames, showing the premium placed by the editors on having an eye-catching book. In the back of the book you will find a glossary, fast facts about Adams, a parallel timeline of world and presidential events, extensive resources to help young students better understand the life and times of this particular president, and a decent index. The Profiles of the Presidents series is excellent and Michael Burgan's look at "John Quincy Adams" is one of the best to date.
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Because of his father's career as a diplomat during the American Revolution, John Adams probably had the best education in foreign affairs of any statesmen in early America. While charges of nepotism haunted Adams, it was money well-spent in terms of results. Adams was posted to Prussia, Russian and Great Britain during the Napoleonic War. He managed to secure a peace treaty with Britain which was threatening to send over the Duke of Wellington to resolve the war of 1812.
As Secretary of State, Adams established the principles that later became enshrined as the Monroe Doxtrine. His vision of Western Hemispheric solidarity was designed to allow the new American Republic to stand up to the more powerful nations of Europe. Adams did much to establish anti-colonialism as the hallmark of American Foreign Policy up to the Second World War.
The job of Secretary of State was seen as the springboard to the presidency in the "Era of Good Feelings." Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe had held this office. The rise of Adams was overshadowed by that of Andrew Jackson. However, given the nature of politics at the time neither he nor Adams were able to achieve a clear victory in electoral college. The inconclusive results of the election of 1824 led to the ultimate decision resting with the House of Representatives. When the fourth runner up and Speaker of the House, Henry Clay was in a position to decide the outcome.
The result was the famous "corrupt bargin" in which Adams came in as president and Clay was appointed to be secretary of state. The hint of "political hanky panky" undermined the presidency of John Quincy Adams. There were a number of good ideas proposed, a national university, a system of observatories, internal improvements featuring a national network of canals and roads that would have opened up the west and promoted greater regional ties and interdependence. Unfortunately these good ideas were ineffective against the charisma of Jackson and the political machinations of Van Buren, the first national political boss. The presidency of John Quincy Adams was ineffective against well-organized congressional opposition.
Beemis is excellent on all points. He correctly assesses the highlights of his career. This is intended to be a scholarly biography, not a popular representation. The level of detail and the flow of the narrative may drag at times, but this book is well worth the effort.
The book takes up in the midst of his presidency. Beemis wisely assesses Adams's presidency as a low point in his career as an American statesman. The focus of the book is career as a congressman, his one foray into the world of popular politics and he performed magnificently.
While in congress the crucial issue was slavery. Adams, like his father, detested the institution. While not an abolitionist, Adams's concern was the effect that this "peculiar institution was having on the politics of the republic.
The justification of slavery seemed to occupy the focus of the southern delgations to Washington during this period. One of the innovations designed to halt discussion was the so-called "gag order" which prevented any petition addressing the subject of slavery to be automatically tabled. While not having the reputation as a popular politician, Adams realized what was at stake by this measure. To maintain slavery, fundamental rights were being sacrificed. To this son of the revolution this endangered all that had come before. If congress could limit the right of petition, it could limit other rights granted by the constitution, something that all branches of government were willing to accept.
Luckily for the future of the United States, Adams was a stubborn fighter who relished the conflict. This book charts his efforts to overturn this measure and to make the government accountable to its citizens.
During this period Adams also defended members of Amistead revolt, fought for the establishment of the Smithsonian Instition (congress had predictably squandered the original bequest), opposed the growth of slavery. Ironically Adams's reputation was more effective as a congressman than he ever was as president. He died in 1848 denouncing the Mexican War. He was carried from the chamber of the House of Representatives by his fellow congressmen, among them Abraham Lincoln, a moment of great symbollism.
Professor Beemis again demonstrates his mastery of his subject. While a distiguished scholar of American diplomatic history, he displays a great grasp of domestic affairs that his often lacking in those who are specialists in this subject.
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This book focuses on providing basic information about the second Adams to be President, with "Interesting Facts" about his life and times added to the margins. Each chapter has a page devoted to details about his life: sailing on the "Boston" to France, his wife Louisa, his troubled family with regards to his sons, and the "Amistad" affair. There are a couple dozen illustrations in the book, all of which are in color. The back of this volume includes a time line of John Quincy Adams's life, a glossary of three dozen words, information on all of the Presidents form Washington to Bush, Presidential facts, and internet sites and books for finding further information. Older students or those looking for more detailed information about Adams in a juvenile biography should turn next to Zachary Kent's biography in the Encyclopedia of Presidents series. The "Our Presidents" books are part of the "Spirit of America" series, which focuses on the American experience in terms of history, culture, and politics.
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Kent does a nice job of making it clear that for John Quincy Adams duty and character were more important that popularity. When he was elected to the Senate as a Federalist, Adams often supported the policies of President Thomas Jefferson, such as the Louisiana Purchase. When his party actually nominated somebody else to run for the Senate in his place, Adams immediately resigned. This episode is certainly representative of the quality of the man.
This is not a slick looking book but it does provide more than adequate coverage of the life of its subject, which is supposed to be its purpose. There are better looking juvenile biographies of Adams, but they do not provide the amount of information students will find here. This volume is illustrated with dozens of black and white illustrations, mostly engravings and paintings from Adams's lifetime, as well as maps, pamphlets and signatures. The book contains a detailed Chronology of American History that lists virtually ever year from the birth of Washington in 1732 to the crash of the space shuttle Challenger in 1986, when this book was published.
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To those of us in the late twentieth century, the idea of petitioning to consider a prayer for action, the Constitutional sanctity of the act, and the relative abuse of the privilege by Congressmen both North and South seems the actions of an almost foreign government. The nearly maniacal desire of Congress to avoid any discussion of slavery in toto also seems incredible in light of government today. Using Congressional records to retell the story in the words of the participants, Miller weaves a fascinating tale as forces in the North try to ensure the rights of their petitioners, as well as deal with continued efforts to stop them dead in their tracks.
There are three major areas to the book: the opening of the slavery issues in Congress, with the presentation and fights by Southern radicals to keep any admittance of them from even appearing in Congress, the development and passage of the "gag rule," in which any attempt to place a petition in front of Congress regarding slavery was "gagged," and finally, the story of former President John Quincy Adams in these fights, and his efforts to support the rights of American constituents in these battles.
The story of Adams is the centerpiece of the book. In laying out the man who would not back down to both Southern and Northern Democratic interests, Miller brings back to life an American figure who is likely lost to many of our generation. Adams, already in his sixties as the slavery battles began, was an unlikely hero. Having served in nearly every capacity he could prior to agreeing to run for Congress after his presidential term, he brought a dogged determination to duty that is hardly recognizable in today's terms. Adams was not an abolitionist, but he was determined that the voices of his constituents, should they be of an abolition ideal, should be heard in the halls of Congress. To that end, he battled for a decade to make those voices heard.
Making use of Adams's massive personal diary, historical context, as well as the Congressional Globe coverage of the proceedings of Congress, Miller delivers the story of these battles in the words of those who were there. Thus, we can see the fanatical words of South Carolinian planter James Henry Hammond: "And I warn the abolitionists, ignorant, infatuated, barbarians that they are, that if chance shall throw any of them into our hands he may expect a felon's death," and Waddy Thompson, Jr.: "In my opinion nothing will satisfy the excited, the almost frenzied South, but an indignant rejection of these petitions [calling for the end of slavery in the District of Columbia]; such a rejection as will at the same time that it respects the right of petitioning, express the predetermination, the foregone conclusion of the House on the subject -- a rejection, sir, that will satisfy the South, and serve as an indignant rebuke to the fanatics of the North." And finally, we see and hear in our minds eye the torture of Adams as he struggles to balance his personal devotion to his country (he was a strong Unionist) with his obligations and duties to his office. Looking at war as a possibility between the two sides of the Union, he concludes in his diary: "It seems to me that its result [that of war] might be the extirpation of slavery from this whole continent; and, calamitous and desolating as this course of events in its progress must be, so glorious would be its final issue, that, as God shall judge me, I dare not say that it is not to be desired."
Much more than just a chronological narration of events, Miller weaves in background of the events and personalities in order to make his subject come alive. Arguing About Slavery is a book outside the mainstream of standard Civil War book fare, but a must if you have any desire to understand the people, events, and stories that led to the great conflict beginning in 1861.
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